In 1905, when a peaceful demonstration by Father Gapon resulted in a massacre, there were nation-wide protests and strikes. The people could no longer see Tsar Nicholas II as a father figure. So serious was the situation that Nicholas II had to grant concessions in the October Manifesto.
After the 1905 Revolution, there was a resurgence of industrial growth which meant a stronger proletariat. This new generation had not experienced first-hand the suppression following the 1905 Revolution and hence their urge to violence had not been tempered.
The Russian economy needed to modernize if it wanted to keep up with the more developed economies of Western Europe. However, modernization meant Westernization: the flowing of Western ideas to Russian society. This would destabilize the old political and social structure of the autocratic state. Further, it meant an increase in the number of skilled workers who want their rights. Lastly, peasants were forced to provide labour for the increasing number of industries resulting from industrialization building a core of disgruntled workers.
The Tsarist regime was further blackened by its hatred of non-Russians as was apparent by the massacre let loose on the Muslim people by the Cossacks and the accusations of witchcraft on the Jews.
Finally, the attitude and personality of the Tsar himself was a huge danger to the stability of his own regime. Nicholas II was averse to change in a time when Russia most desperately needed it. While he was authoritarian, he was also indecisive which proved to be his undoing. Further, Nicholas II had never been sincere about the reforms he granted in 1905. He passed the Fundamental Law which confirmed his autocratic powers and that he had the final say in any law passed by the Duma. The fact that he dissolved Dumas at will if they disagreed with his view only brought further instability. He did not understand that his only chance of survival had lain in the success of these reforms.
The policies of Witte and Stolypin had led to modernization and improvement in their respective sectors of the economy. In Stolypin’s case, he had hoped to create a new class of kulaks who would be supportive of the Tsar and hence break the back of the peasantry. Ironically, the Tsar himself was against him and the plan was not much of a success anyway. Overall, the condition of the Russian people did not improve either.
The threat to the Tsarist government was not as great as it seems, however. Most radical groups were ineffective because they were so divided amongst themselves. The Bolsheviks were in either external or self-imposed exiles. The Tsar, on Witte’s advice, successfully divided the middle class and peasantry by granting facile concessions such as the Dumas and abolishing redemption tax while crushing the proletariat who were left standing alone. It is clear from this that the revolution was aimed not at overthrowing the Tsar and establishing a new order but only to get concessions.
To conclude, although some historians feel that revolution was inevitable, I think that until 1914, the start of the World War, the dangers to the Tsar were not particularly threatening. Even in 1905, the Tsar could rely on the army to crush the protesting proletariat. The fact is that so long as an autocratic ruler has a strong police force and can rely on support of the army, he can not be ousted from power that easily.