His social policies affected all areas of people lives. The leisure organization Dopolavoro was set up in 1925 with the aim to influence adults in the workplace and outside the workplace to compensate for the ban of trade unions. It provided activities such as football, and they opened 1350 theatres and 3000 brass bands. This social policy was a success in that almost every town and village had a Dopolavoro club house, and by 1939 there were over 4 million members, suggesting a large amount of the population were under fascist influence in their leisure time. However, the emphasis of the Dopolavoro was to encourage the people to have a good time, rather than creating a fascist nation. This figure of members, therefore, does not represent those who supported Mussolini, or fascism, but those who outwardly conformed to reek the benefits of fascist society. In the late 30s Mussolini attempted to radicalize the Dopolavoro. He introduced the goose steps and salute, and changed the calendar so that it began on the 22nd March, the date of the March on Rome. This disillusioned people, which suggests that Mussolini’s power among the people was, again, superficial.
Mussolini saw a relationship with the church as vital in ensuring his power, prestige and influence on a traditionally catholic country. The Lateran Agreements of 1929 secured that the Italian nation would receive catholic upbringing, and ultimately gave the church more power. It was important for Mussolini as it gave the impression that he was a collaborator with the church, and that his people didn’t have to chose between him and the pope, as he knew initially, that they would chose their religion. Initially this relationship was successful as it bolstered Mussolini’s domestic policies, and supported the war in Abysinnia as a crusade. There were a few exceptions to the churches support in the late 20s, early 30s, including issues with the Catholic Action groups which Mussolini felt undermined the militaristic fascist youth. However, the turning point in their relationship was in 1938 when Mussolini introduced his anti-Semitic policies. This radicalization lost Mussolini the churches support, and it also lost his peoples support. Whether the church’s opinion affected the population is ambiguous, but the result is clear; radicalization of the fascist regime disillusioned the people and Mussolini lost their support. This highlights that Mussolini’s previous attempts to get power over the people and gain their support was superficial, as they never truly believed in fascism or Mussolini, and merely outwardly conformed.
One of Mussolini’s key aims was prestige both in Italy and internationally, which he hoped to gain through his revolutionary economic policies of the ‘corporate state’. ……..He wanted a strong economic base that could support military might and territorial expansion, and give rise to autarky. The corporate state would create harmony between the workers and the industrialists and introduce fascist influence into industry. Mussolini dismissed his Minister of Treasury, De Steffani in… and took personal control over the corporate state. Rocco Law in 1926 separated economic activity into syndicates, which aimed to harmonize industry by allowing the industrialists and the workers to work together. However the reality was that the industrialists maintained their power, as the state supported the Confudistra in most situations, and that the workers were weakened and controlled through the abolishment of independent trade unions, which was due to the ineffectiveness of the fascist trade unions. There was no real change in the structure of the economy. Neville described the corporate state to be ‘vast, but a largely useless apparatus.’ The failings of the corporate state suggest it was merely propaganda in order to gain prestige. This was initially successful, especially abroad, however, no real change was made, and the prestige and power it gave to Mussolini was largely superficial.
Mussolini wanted a strong currency as a symbol of economic strength; this would give him prestige within Italy, and internationally. His economic policy, ‘The Battle of the Lira’ aimed to reduce inflation; Mussolini would ‘defend the Italian Lira to [his] last breath’ inflated the economy in 1926 to bring the lira back to its value in 1922, of 90 lira to the pound. In 1927 he returned the lira to the gold standard, and further lowered inflation. The Battle for lira was a huge victory in terms of propaganda, and it gave him prestige among his people. However it also resulted in the standard of living falling, decrease in wages and increase in unemployment. In 1936 the lira was re-valued suggesting that the battle of lira had failed to aid the economy, and in fact, the economy went into recession pre- Depression in 1927.
With the aim of preparation for war, Mussolini’s economic policy of autarky would make the country self- sufficient. He introduced agricultural policies intended to create this self sufficiency. He attempted to ‘ruralise’, and prevent peasants migrating into the cities. The Battle for Grain in 1925 hoped to ‘end slavery for foreign bread’; Mussolini saw the fact that they had to import grain for bread as a weakness. He introduced grants to buy fertilizers, and machinery. He guaranteed a high price for grain, put a tariff on imported grain and gave free advice for techniques and methods to the peasants. He also drained the swamps in order to create ‘newlands’. This was known as the Battle for Marshes, in which 80,000 hectares of new land was claimed. These policies were successful in that production of grain increased by 100% by 1939, and Italy was almost self sufficient in grain. The battle for marshes also increased jobs during the depression, and allowed new towns Latina and Sabaudia to be built. However Italy were not self sufficient in fertilizers, and therefore couldn’t grow grain in autarky. There was also a decline in diets due to high tariffs on the imported meat and eggs. The south was also neglected in the Battle for Marshes, which meant that there were fewer jobs and grain available there, consequently furthering the north/south divide. The Pontine Marshes, just outside Rome, were the show piece, which were given to ex-servicemen. This suggests that the policy was merely ‘window dressing’ fascism to give Mussolini prestige. In this respect, Mussolini succeeded, however these policies failed in that they did not further autarky, nor prepare him for war.
Mussolini aimed to Fascisise the nation, and create the ultimate fascist man, who was virile and would ‘obedience, obey, fight’. He used propaganda in art to promote this strong fascist man, but the youth was his main tool in creating a fascist nation. Mussolini saw that ‘the ideal fascist youth tempers all enthusiasm with iron discipline… despised fear, loves the hard life and serves with faith, passion and happiness, the causes of fascism’. He wanted to secure his long term support, and instill his people with fascist values and unquestioning and absolute faith. The ONB was the national youth group, which was compulsory for anyone who would ever enter the party, which was essential in becoming successful. In 1929 it was tied to the school system with the attempt to fascise schools. However in 1935, it became compulsory in state schools, which was only 60% of the population. This late attempt to further control education suggests that Mussolini’s previous attempts had been unsuccessful.
Education was also vital in creating the fascist nation. Mussolini felt ‘schools [were] to develop character of Italians… to educate the youth to understand fascism. To renew themselves in fascism.’ He used indoctrination in order to secure their support. Teachers were controlled, and history books rewritten to show Italy as the savior of the First World War, and the glory of the March on Rome. In 1928 the Libro Unico was introduced to control and censor any text books which contradicted the fascist ideals; many text books were banded. This was initially successful as it involved the youth in fascism; however in 1939 Botti’s school charter attempted to radicalize education. This was a failure as it began to alienate the middle class, and attendance ultimately dropped.
Women had their place in Mussolini’s plans to fascisise the Italian Nation; the ‘Battle for Births’ launched in 1927, and it aimed to increase the population from 40 million to 60 million by 1950.Mussolini offered marriage loans, which would be diminished with the birth of each child. Penalties were also introduced to those who chose not to have children. This ambitious project aimed to build up the fascist nation, and provide an ample army of strong, militaristic Italians. Despite Mussolini’s efforts the Battle for Births failed; the birth rate actually declined until 1936. Mussolini’s attempt to exclude women from work, to encourage them to be mothers, also failed as women still made up 33% of the industrial workforce in 1936. These failures suggest that the Italian population were not devoted to securing a fascist nation, and that Mussolini ultimately failed.
Ultimately it can be seen that Mussolini failed in his aim to prepare Italy for war, as his ultimate demise came with the failings of the Second World War. Autarky was unsuccessful, and mostly a propaganda exercise. In regards to creating a fascist nation, Mussolini did not have the support of the people, which lead to failure. However, Mussolini did succeed in gaining the adoration of the people through the cult of personality; this gave him his desired power and prestige. Despite this, when Mussolini made moves to radicalize his regime, he lost the support of the people, and eventually lost all his power and prestige. This suggests that the power he had, was merely superficial and evanescent. Thus, in conclusion, Mussolini did achieve very little in his economic and social policies up until 1940.
