1867-
Yes
- Creation of modern political party
- Parties recognised key to success at borough elections- efficiency of organisation at constituency level- after 1867
- 1867- extension of suffrage so large that old methods of influence no longer applicable- need to connect and meet supporters- Gladstone’s Midlothian campaign, Disraeli’s one Nation toryism-1880- Pugh states that it is the first modern election- 84% seats contested- Liberal leader Gladstone held national campaign- clear cut choice between policies of parties
- Propaganda and persuasion took place of influence- too many voters to bribe Gladstone by end of 1870’s meet the people speaking tours, eg of propaganda- Disraeli chamber pot and Gladstone mug- after corruption act of 1883 this process was complete
- Demands on MP”s increased- party discipline tightened- 1868-74- number of reforms- trying to appeal to new electorate
- More professional national organisations- 1860- Liberal Registration Association
1867- National Union of Conservative Constituency Associations- aim to organise newly enfranchised working men
1870- Central Office Conservative- leadership of John Gorst- encouraged creation of new constituency associations- maintained contact with local parties- drew up
list of candidates- pushed Carlton Club into background -Political clubs- Conservative’s Working Men’s Association and Operatives Liberal Associations- organised annual outings
- National Liberal federation- 1877- founded by Lib activists in constituencies- relationship with Gladstone often strained- Liberal Caucus- Reform Act- voters in boroughs represented by 3 members given 2 votes- could use both for same candidate o vote for 2 different- Chamberlain built party organisation with accurate list of supporters- told Liberal supporters who to vote for- Lib votes could be spread out-aim NLF- partly to spread methods of Birmingham Caucus- shown in improved Lib organisation during 1880 election campaign- NLF hoped to gain more cohesion and control over policy of party Parties needed to ensure known supporters were registered as voters
- NLF- attempt by rank and file to establish democratic control over party1867 accelerated process occurring in 1830’s and 40’s- development of tighter two party system- MP’s had to become more disciplined towards the party line- 1868-76 less government defeats than in 1850’s
- Development of impact of public opinion linked to emergence of local press- Leeds Mercury, Manchester Guardian,
- General Elections- greater significance- Disraeli resigned as M after election results 1868- set a precedence
- Verdict of electorate accepted without question- 1868 Disraeli resigned prior to meeting of commons- broke with tradition- after 1867 elections were no longer primarily about deciding who should represent your constituency1870’s and 1880’s important turning point
- Emergence of Disraeli’s one nation toryism- emphasis on Empire- is this attempt to engage with working class and present party as national party- Third of working class supported Conservatives- strongholds Liverpool and South Lancashire, Birmingham and Midlands, East end London, deference, patriotism, dislike of foreigners, Liberal weakness- 1868 election Conservatives successful in South Lancashire due to anti Irish sentiment Conservatives- offered few opportunities for working men to advance in local government
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Gladstone government- John bright, Samuel Morley, and Henry Fawcett in 1868-74 cabinet- membership of House of Commons became to be dominated by middle class backgrounds in last decades of 19th century-Disraeli’s victory of 1874 made skilled workers ad trade unionists realise new franchise not staunchly Gladstonian
- Did the increase in working class voters begin to scare the middle class?
No- it didn’t transform
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Working class don’t play major role in Westminster- 2nd reform act- attempts to get working men into parliament 1869- Labour representation League- 13 candidates in 1874- only 2 elected
- Few constituencies had clear working class candidate- 1870 Bristol- Lib party adopted leading local employer over working class man
- Landowners still dominated social background of MP’s
- Tories offered few opportunities for working class to advance in local government- none at all in parliament
- Estimate 30% living in poverty- In general poor did not link politics and poverty
- Post 1867 and 1884- no campaign for vote by residuum
Key change-Was middle class shift due to voting system?
1874- early sign that middle class turning from liberal- conservative
Conservatives- suburbs- middle class increasingly conservative in attitude- fear that extension of franchise to unskilled workers would threaten middle class interests- do the Conservative party shape their policies to appeal to the middle class
1874- significant change becoming apparent- changing voting behaviour of middle class- moving from Liberal to Conservative
Middle class moved into suburbs- less attached to nonconformist faith of parents- identify more closely with landed classes
Villa Toryism- 1874 sign of turning point sped up by 1885
Eric Evans- “A unified household franchise and a radical redistribution of seats transformed the political landscape within a few years.”
Corrupt Practises Act
Yes it did change
- Parties needed more professional election agents knowledgeable of the law
- Parties needed more volunteer workers
- Primrose League- 1891- 1 million, 1910- 2 million- recruited 50 % women- gave Conservatives broad membership base but never threat to leadership
- Secret Ballot Act limited opportunity to influence tenants
- Corruption Act- limited role of influence
- Key though- extension of franchise meant too many people to influence
1884
- Whigs suffered serious damage- post 1886 radicalisation of the Liberal Party- 647 out of 670 seats were represented by one MP- disappearance of two seat constituencies
- Political and social supremacy of landed aristocracy challenged by agricultural depression of 1870’s-1900- politics increasingly expensive and so many cut expenditure in politics
- Political power of aristocracy eroded by more representative government- secret ballot, corrupt practise act of 1883 and 1884 extension of franchise to rural householders important in limiting aristocracy
- Conservatives most successful party- electoral system helped Conservatives Salisbury understands psyche of newly merging middle class- realised voting potential of suburbs
- Propaganda increasingly important- 1906 election big loaf little loaf, and post 1918 election key- hang the Kaiser emphasised as a coalition message even though Lloyd George saw that it could create potential long term problems, land fit for hero’s to live in- trying to connect with wider franchise
- Conservatives faced fewer challenges to control of established leaders- stress on deference, loyalty and also created mass membership but members had no role in selecting leaders or policy
- Conservative ability to adapt policy to changed complexion of electorate- presented themselves as national party- bulwark against dangers of socialist revolution- did embrace social reform
No it did not change
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Redistribution maintained boroughs of southern England for conservatives- rely on throughout 20th century- around Greater London number of seats went up from 22- 62- Conservatives won 36 in 1885
- Development of New Liberalism- Pensions, National Insurance- attempt to engage with working class
1895- 12 working men MP’s
No
- Still didn’t appeal to residuum Bulk of those who couldn’t vote post 1884- 40% most impoverished- no indication of residuum being radical- servants and domestic servants didn’t vote- they mainly had Con sympathies
- Aristocrats continued to be majority in positions in cabinet until 1906- Bonar Law first middle class leader of the Conservatives in 1911
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Concept of aristocracy as governing class out of sense of duty and self sacrifice- alive at the beginning of 20th century
- 1886- 1914- 200 new peerages
Other factors
Changing social composition of MP’s- was this due to changes in electoral system?
Post 1885- reduction in MP’s from landowning backgrounds and increase in middle class- more marked in Liberals than Conservatives
1868- 26% of Lib MP’s landowners- by 1910 7%
1868- 67% of Lib Mp’s middle class- by 1910- 89% mc- Liberals adopted more middle class MP’s but actually lost the support of the middle class
Conservative- 1900 38% MP’s landowners, by 1910- 26%
1911-
Salary for Mp’s 400- eased difficulties caused by Osborne judgement
1900- 29 labour and 24 Lib Lab
1911- elections every five years
1918
Yes
- 1918- have to provide deposit of 150- lose this if you don’t get eighth of vote
- Adult suffrage- did benefit Labour but 1918 only modest gains over 1910- no automatic correlation between extending franchise and increasing the Labour vote- Labour made equal progress on local government elections after war despite more restrictive franchise- significance of New party structure introduced by Arthur Henderson in 1918- had individual membership in constituency parties- linked together by strong central organisation- not until 1923 that new constituency plans created
- Creation of more constituencies in industrial areas, particularly coalfields- benefited Labour- up to Labour to take advantage- 1918 redistribution
- Labour Exploit failures of Liberals and coalition- 1918-22- did Liberal decline link to franchise- Liberals caught between property and working class
- First female MP- Nancy Astor
- 1922- 33 women candidates- 8 women in Commons
- 1929- first female in cabinet- Margaret Bondfield
- Conservatives won battle for female vote-
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Single member constituencies- first past the post- inbuilt bias against 3rd party candidates- difficult for Libs to convert votes into seats
- Some assistance to the Labour party- 89 constituencies with clear working class majorities- however this doesn’t necessarily indicate a Labour win- key is attitude of trade unions- miners union pro Liberal- only in 1909 support labour
- Sustained rise in support for Labour after 1918- 1929- in 1929 election won 37% of popular vote
- Key development in 1918- redistribution of seats- extension in number of suburban seats- helped conservatives win at least 30 extra seats- votes dominated by middle class increased from 48- 200
No
- Women still not properly represented by gender in House of Commons
- House of Commons still overwhelmingly dominated by landed and professional classes
By 1930
- First Labour Government- 1924
- 1929- first working class female MP- Jennie Lee
