The case against war on Iraq.

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4th March 2003

  • The case against war on Iraq

The case for a war on Iraq is one precariously based on hidden agendas and fallacies. It seems now that war is inevitable, that anything that is done will not affect the course of action George W. Bush is determined to take; to lead a “coalition of the willing” into war against Iraq.

The United States of America has attempted to pass two resolutions in the UN which would legitimise a War on Iraq. The first of these has failed to be passed, and we will soon find out the results of the second resolution. It is most likely it will fail; the USSR, China, France and Germany are all strongly opposed to war and as permanent members of the UN Security Council have right of veto. However, the outcome of this resolution is irrelevant, the USA and Britain have both overtly stated that they will fight a unilateral war; a war without UN backing.

The reason that the United Nations will reject proposals for war is two-fold. The scope of the UN is that action is only possible in the case of a state harbouring or stockpiling weapons of mass destruction. Various charters have been signed by all members of the UN agreeing to this. Iraq also agreed to these charters in the aftermath of the 1991 Gulf War. The theoretical course of action over a country found to be building up weapons of mass destruction would be to pursue the use of diplomatic and political pressures on that country. The country would possibly be coerced into disarmament or probably simply stopping weapons development. However, these charters are almost meaningless, almost every nation in the world possesses weapons of mass destruction of one kind or another.

It has neither been proven that Iraq has weapons of mass destruction breaking UN charters, nor has sufficient non-aggressive action been taken. In Hans Blix’s report to the UN security council on 28/2/03, he underlined the fact that very little evidence of illegal weapons had been discovered. It is important to remember that the onus is on the USA to prove that Iraq has these weapons, not for Saddam Hussein to prove that he doesn’t. Colin Powell had an opportunity to convince the UN of his case. The highlight the report was that Iraq possessed ‘al-Samoud 2’ missiles. These missiles, Mr. Powell claimed, could be projected at a range greater than that permitted to Iraq by the UN. This range is an arbitrary figure, the projection of a missile depends on many factors, including wind speed and an element of chance. These missiles are of a close range to this limit. While the USA used this discovery as propaganda, Saddam Hussein was already agreeing to destroy these missiles. In the past five days, nineteen of the estimated hundred missiles have been destroyed. The USA also admitted that this report contained ten pages directly plagiarised from a 1989 student’s thesis. Hardly reliable evidence to go to war on.

Surely if these weapons exist, then the inspectors will find them. Hans Blix recommended more time for more thorough inspections. The inspectors only arrived in December 2002 and did not receive their first helicopter until late January 2003. They are still a long way from completing inspections. Out of 700 listed sites, they have so far inspected 350 and been given immediate and full access to these sites. The truth of the matter is that Saddam Hussein has co-operated as fully as possible. No more could have been expected of him. We cannot expect Iraq to suddenly disarm in 60 days.

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The second basis for war is that any attack on Iraq would be a pre-emptive strike. A country is permitted to launch such a strike if and only if its territory is under the threat of an imminent attack. George Bush claims that they face “a day of horror like none we have ever known” from Iraq. This statement is ridiculously unsubstantiated. The idea of the Iraqi state attacking America is not so much unproven as implausible. The USA and UK have stretched this notion of a pre-emptive strike to qualify any strike that they claim will be for the ...

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