Unsatisfied, the working classes began to act independently through the sounding board of a number of radical groups inspired by Thomas Paine an author and revolutionary radical. One example is the short-lived Hampton Clubs (around 1816) who wanted universal suffrage. Other movements included the trade unions such as the Grand National Consolidated Trade Union and the co-operative founded by Robert Owen a Welsh Socialite that was based on equality for society. William Cobbett and Henry Hetherington authors of the Political Register and Poor man’s Guardian work was key in displaying a nationwide method of reaching the masses by a weekly press. Cobbett created the London Working Men’s Association with over 300 skilled workers as members. The angle it tended to use was for peaceful propaganda and was to be loosely named as a ‘moral’ force Chartist. On the contrary O’ Connor, a physical chartist was on the other hand a great orator and passionate in his speeches saying he was willing ‘to die for the cause’ and would ‘led people to their death or glory’ and his popularity grew though the weekly Northern Star.
These are the foundations on which Chartism was born and subsequently The People’s Charter was published by the L.W.M.A. in May 1838. At the same time the Birmingham Political Union was drafting a similar petition. They decided, after consulting with the L.W.M.A. that a national convention should be elected. In the north the support was more militant and which was reflected in the fiery character of Fergus O’ Connor who coordinated his campaigns through the Northern Star. The six points, an interpretation of the ideology of the American Revolution along with the personal stamp of Lovett and Watson in 1831. Although united around the six points there was diverse range of thoughts from different members but they overcame this to become a united force – this is key in understanding the chartists as a revolutionary movement for the working classes.
The Charter made six demands for political change: universal manhood suffrage; annual parliaments; equal electoral districts; secret ballot; payment of MP’s; the abolition of the property qualification. They submitted three petitions to parliament over the two decades of activity. The first backed with 1.28 million signatures, the second with 3.3 million signatures, the third with over 6 million signatures (although there seemed to have several fraudulent signatures making it around 2 million real signatures). The petitions were rejected every time and there ensued outbreaks of violence which the government took swift and extreme steps to restore order. The initial phase of Chartism was quickly thwarted by the utilised ever-increasing army by sending the main leaders to gaol notably John Frost who organised the Newport Rising when over 5000 miners attacked the town and consequently twenty were killed by troops sent by the authorities and Frost sentenced to death (but was transported). Around 1842 the main leaders emerged from gaol and reconvened asking members to pay a penny a month. In the final phase (1847-8) whilst there were revolutions on the continent the flamboyant O ‘Connor alongside his fellow Chartist were delivering their final petition en mass. The large body of petitioners were met by police and then told by O ‘Connor to disperse. They were delivered in three cabs but met with ridicule when it was realised it contained bogus signatures. This was the end for Chartism and it was written off by most as an unsuccessful attempt at hearing their voices in government.
The humorous cartoon below by John Leech published in Punch magazine displays his interpretation of the rise and fall of Chartism. He himself was a sympathiser of the movement but was also called to be a special constable this produced a quandary within himself with the way Chartism progressed and ultimately fell short of its goals. In the 21st century it is difficult to understand why their demands were not met as we take such rights for granted. We have to take a step back to look into the Chartist period to understand what contributed to its failure.
The Chartists were radical in their demands for that time and truly had the odds stacked against them. They had no support in the commons and the MP’s themselves were landed aristocrats with tenacious grip on the power of the land. Chartism was virtually an exclusively working-class movement and seemed reluctant to forge political friendships with the middle classes. Without alliances in government they could only be viewed from the outside and were often seen as a potential threat to public order and therefore overlooking their demands of the charter. In Britain avoided the revolutions of the continent by successfully playing the middle and working classes off on one and other. The French revolution had involved a momentary alliance with both classes against the government and then the middle classes put down the working class. Importantly the middle classes were always involved in the outbreak whereas the middle classes were relatively contented with the reform act of 1832.
The government were always one step ahead of the Chartist. They were aware of their plans and had used to spies to regularly inform them and the magistrates would requisitioning railway carriages deploy troops from the nearest military centre and late notice as the Evidence of the Quartermaster explains;
‘You send a battalion of 1,000 men from London to Manchester (by rail) in nine hours: that same battalion marching would take 17days; and then arrive at the end of nine hours just as fresh, or nearly so, as when they started.’
The chartists were aware of the value of train network and attacks were made on the tracks. The Electric Telegraph Company was also a valuable too as the government also stipulated that in times of crisis that they could take over the complete network therefore the Chartist could not communicate and the government could exercise control of distant localities. The use of the early telephone was invaluable and the bill to the government was £500.
The movement was torn in several directions and was often pulled in many different directions notably the regional differences in occupations, differences within the industrial scene, divergent aims in the various cities and rivalry between London and other provinces. This left the leaders divided over social and political goals with O ‘ Connor often pictured as the ‘physical’ force Chartist with all the Irish Charm and wit as Edward Royle described him as living ‘closer to their hearts’ (of chartists) when compared to Lovett. Anthony wood prefers the manner of Lovett and says that he ‘emerges as the most prophetic figure in the chartist movement’. Although the argument still continues it seems that the movement avoided mass bloodshed and safely guided most members.
The comparison of Chartism to the anti-corn league is common. The latter had succinctly worked to abolish the Corn Laws whereas the Chartist demanded too much at once and would have been more effective to concentrate on getting an MP elected into the commons as the anti-corn league did. The Anti corn league also had the support of the middle classes, along with their money. The violence of the Chartists and a reluctant O Connor for to accept the middle classes would be to ‘domesticate the charter’ could also be attributed to their downfall.
The three petitions were handed to the government in time of economic hardship and as the chartist folded Britain was moving into a time of prosperity this cut the price of bread from 11.5p in 1847 to 7p in 1850. This improved the quality of life and led more employees to the trade unions or cooperatives and left Chartism abandoned. This is difficult to back up this evidence as the severe depressions of 1839 and 1842 did were eradicated it is difficult to prove that the living conditions were in fact improved.
D Thompson noted that ‘As far as achievement of the six points went, the Chartists failed completely.’ So was Chartism itself a failure? In the industrial towns of Lancashire and Yorkshire the movement was to create a distinctive culture among the working classes. It gave an understanding of the need to unite for the cause to provide essential focus. It gave a blueprint into how to formulate a protest and to vocalise and circulate nationally the needs of the cause. The indent that the chartists left imprinted on the mind of many ordinary working class families was summed up by Edward Royle ‘the greatest achievement of was Chartism, a movement shot through not with despair but with hope.’
Bibliography
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Browne, Harry. Chartism. 1st ed. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1999.
Evans, Eric. Chartism. 2nd ed. Harlow: Pearson, 2000
Finn, Joe. Chartist and Chartism 1st ed. Sevenoaks:Hodder & Stoughton, 1992.
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Royle, Edward. Chartism 3rd ed. Harlow: Longman, 1980.
Tonge, Neil. Industrialisation and Society 1700-1914.1ed. 1st ed. Walton-on-Thames: Thomas Nelson 1993.
Wood, Anthony. Nineteenth Century Brtian. 2 ed. Harlow: Longman 1960.