Why does the Chinese government at the start of the 21st c. refuse to give its people democratic rights despite encouraging private enterprise in industry, commerce and agriculture and how do you see China developing in the future?
RUSHI PATEL 11M
WHY DOES THE CHINESE GOVERNMENT AT THE START OF THE 21st CENTURY REFUSE TO GIVE ITS PEOPLE DEMOCRATIC RIGHTS DESPITE ENCOURAGING PRIVATE ENTERPRISE IN INDUSTRY, COMMERCE AND AGRICULTURE AND HOW DO YOU SEE CHINA DEVELOPING IN THE FUTURE?
Chinas history is plagued with foreign intervention, invasion and natural disaster, but it is also booned with great, world leading technological advances and years of perfected heritage. The plain to see pattern that has formed over Chinas history is that during their failures there has been a lack of strong political leadership, and during prosperous years there has always been a single strong political rule.
'Among large countries, China has the worlds oldest continuous civilisation. It can point to 4,000 years of experience, plus gigantic size and accomplishments.' CHINA IN TRANSITION
Modern China holds a strong one party rule, but it holds one, which has a political aim. The economy in China is steadily growing and has a projected growth rate of 8% increase in G.D.P per annum. Huge amounts of foreign investment are fuelling rapid growth, especially in the southern boom areas.
China also has a huge population of 1,221,462,000 with a growth rate of around 1.2% (1991 - 2000 figure).
Many changes have taken place in China such as social change, industrialisation, environmental impacts and the development of two economies: the rural economy
& The city economy.
China under authoritarian communist rule has created three paradoxes, through a combination of these changes and the traditional political system.
They are:
- That freedom in industry, commerce and agriculture can exist in a society with strong authoritarian government.
2- That a free market economy exists alongside a communist government.
3- That in a communist state there is such a large rich / poor divide.
This leads to the questions of exactly how these paradoxes have occurred and stabilised in China? And to what extent is it due to the continuation of authoritarian rule in a society where there is increased freedom in all areas except politics? And how it accounts for authoritarian rule remaining in a modern China?
China's ancient and detailed past may account partly for the acceptance of strong authoritarian rule among many Chinese people. For over 4,000 years China has been ruled by a succession of strong leaders. During these periods of Empirical rule China has prospered in technology resulting in many good inventions originating from China. However, during short periods between dynasties or in times of weak leadership China has been subjected to civil war, foreign invasion, outside intervention and warlordism. Over a succession of generations the Chinese people have become aware of the need for a strong leader and therefore an acceptance of authoritarian rule has evolved.
The Chinese philosophy of yin and yang and the belief in the views of Confucius about a social hierarchy also mean that the Chinese do not question the lack of political freedom. The two major religions in China of Buddhism and Taoism both tell of the need to conform to the social norm by harmonising with the natural order. This can be seen on a family level where in China's past, life revolved around the order of leader, man, son, etc. where women had no property rights. This is now changed by the Marriage reform law of 1950 and is a basis for some of the communist's early support.
The Chinese people have had no need for political freedom over the last 4,000 years and many see no need for it now as living standards are rising for many people.
During the 19th century there was a decline in the strength of the emperors leading to problems with colonial powers forcing the Chinese into agreements that had bad consequences for the Chinese society. An example of this is the opium wars where the Chinese were forced to buy opium from the British and allow use of Chinese ports. During this time the Japanese launched raids into China causing discontent amongst the Chinese people. As part of one of these raids the Japanese took control of Korea, Taiwan and the Lushan province. People in these areas were treated very harshly. The word spread throughout China and people lost confidence in their weak emperors. A mistrust of foreigners came about from these events.
Also in the 19th century there were periods of warlordism leading to mistreatment of many people and corruption became widespread. The Chinese people recognise this as a result of weakness and have a definite reason for wanting strong rule in modern day China.
More recently, in the 1900s, the Chinese have suffered even more troubles as a result of no clear and powerful leader. The decline of emperors and their hold on the country as a result of European forced influence was all too obvious.
The Boxer Rebellion of 1900 showed how discontented with their rulers the Chinese were and how much hatred they felt towards foreigners because of their influence in Chinese affairs. It resulted in Europeans being captured and killed. The European response was just as brutal. They sent in armies to loot Beijing and the Boxers were executed in the streets.
In 1911 there was another rebellion. The focus of this rebellion was to overthrow the weak Manchu dynasty. The revolt started with a small part of the army in Wu-ch'ang (Located in the Hupeh province). As it grew it gained support from all over China. It marked the end of the 2,000-year-old imperial system.
On the 1 January 1912, the leader of the revolutionary alliance, Sun Yatsen was proclaimed Provisional President of the Chinese Republic. It marked the first attempt at democracy in China's recent history, although there was still a period of unrest in China. In 1915 the Japanese made their 21 demands. Sun Yatsen's successor, Emperor Shikai, gave in. Chinese people lost confidence in their new democratic government and saw them as weak.
The period of time between 1916 and 1927 was marred by civil war, warlordism, further revolution, protest and local dictatorships. The time after the end of the First World War in China was full of discontent with foreigners. The Paris Peace Talks enforced the Japanese occupation of Shantung. In some cases warlords tried to make life easier for the peasants but many took advantage of the chaos to hold onto their power or take control. Villagers were treated extremely poorly and the warlords stole from them. Heavy and unfair taxes were introduced and enforced ruthlessly.
There was ...
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The period of time between 1916 and 1927 was marred by civil war, warlordism, further revolution, protest and local dictatorships. The time after the end of the First World War in China was full of discontent with foreigners. The Paris Peace Talks enforced the Japanese occupation of Shantung. In some cases warlords tried to make life easier for the peasants but many took advantage of the chaos to hold onto their power or take control. Villagers were treated extremely poorly and the warlords stole from them. Heavy and unfair taxes were introduced and enforced ruthlessly.
There was an uprising of students and urban workers that even prevented the government from signing the Treaty of Versailles. The Chinese peasantry and much of the city population saw just how weak the democracy was proving to be.
With the formation of the Chinese Communist Party in 1920 and Sun Yatsen's Revolutionary Party becoming the Nationalist Party the return to single party rule became more and more likely. Following the death of Sun Yatsen in 1925, the Nationalists became led by Chiang Kai-Shek.
In 1926 the Nationalists set off on the Northern Expedition to end the reign of the warlords. In 1928 the Nationalist armies secured Peking. On much of this campaign an alliance with the Communists was operated. This may be key to some of the earliest Communist support because during the campaign the Communists showed that they could gain support from both areas of the population, in the countryside and in the main industrial towns and cities. The Communists treated the people along their route with respect and fairness. However, the alliance ended in April 1927 when Chiang Kai-Shek felt that the Nationalists were strong enough to continue the campaign alone. This led to many Communists being killed, including Mao's first wife. The Nationalists also expelled the C.C.P from the cities.
The Communists retreated to the countryside provinces of Hunan and most importantly Jiangxi. In areas of communist control, from 1930 onwards, tax was reduced for peasants, schools were built by the Communists, and the villagers were treated fairly and were paid for goods. Rent money was also given to them when their property was used. There was also a program of land redistribution so that peasants owned their land and outdated and unfair customs were abolished. An example of this was the abolition of the custom where a landlord could choose anyone to be his wife. The communist Red Army treated people a lot fairer than other armies and they earned respect. This is why there is a deep running support for the Communist party amongst the peasantry.
Also between 1930 and 1935 the Nationalists led a series of extermination campaigns against the communists. The first four failed in the face of effective communist guerrilla tactics. However, the fifth campaign was more successful. Due to an internal fight in the communist party, Mao was removed as head of the Red Army and his replacement, Otto Braun decided to fight the Nationalists head on. The Nationalists, under the advice of German general Hans Von Seekt, also adopted new tactics. The 'Blockhouse Strategy' proved more successful and gradually the Nationalists tightened their grip over the communists, forcing them into an ever-decreasing area.
Eventually, the German, Otto Braun led 87,000 men on a successful breakout attempt. This success came at a cost and within a few months over half were dead. Mao was reinstated as head of the Red Army and led what was left of the communist force on the Long March. The march took over a year to get from the Jiangxi Soviet to the Yenan Soviet. Mao arrived at his destination with under 10,000 of the original 87,000 men, yet the long march can be considered a success. This is because during the march the communist message reached huge numbers of people. The army treated the peasants with respect and huge numbers of supporters were gained. This support still remains and it is clear that not many peasants wish for greater political freedom.
This also made the communists suspicious of the nationalists, a suspicion that continued and expanded to their mistrust of the western world.
936 marked the start of a three-way power struggle between the communists, nationalists and the Japanese. Between 1931 and 1935 the Japanese had invaded Manchuria and Jehol.
This led to a united front between the communists and the nationalists against the Japanese.
Despite the united front, there were two very different styles of fighting. The communists adopted their successful guerrilla tactics and were seen to be doing something against the invaders. In contrast, the nationalists adopted the unpopular 'scorched earth' policy. This showed them to be cowards and they became even more unpopular amongst the Chinese people.
In addition to this, the nationalists were given weapons from America to use against the Japanese. However, the nationalist stockpiled the weapons for use against the communists. This made them even more unpopular, accounting for some of the support the communists gained during the campaign.
During the fight against Japan, three areas of control developed. In these areas treatment varied greatly. The Chinese that lived in the areas of Japanese control were treated very brutally. There were regular executions and beatings. The Japanese soldiers stole from and abused the peasant farmers.
Treatment in the nationalist areas was not much better. Rent was not paid by the Nationalists, food was stolen, there was widespread corruption and high taxes. The scorched earth policy led to starvation for the villagers and general treatment was terrible. The peasant farmers ended up hating the nationalists and support for the communists grew.
In the areas of communist control people were treated much fairer. Villagers were paid for rent and goods. The communists reduced taxes in these new areas and they did not burn the crops like the nationalists. The campaign against the Japanese led to a great spread of communist propaganda.
The unfairness of treatment from the nationalists and the Japanese in contrast with the much fairer treatment from the communists led to an understanding and trust developing between the communists and the peasants.
The end of the Second World War marked the full on return of civil war. The communists had won great support during the conflict with Japan and were victorious over the nationalists in 1949, despite the nationalists having superior armaments.
Whatever the outcome of the civil war, it was clear that a dictatorship would be formed. The only difference between the two would have been that the communists would have almost full support but the nationalist government would have been prone to challenge. The universal victory of Mao Zedong's communist party led to Mao's declaration that there would be a dictatorship until the people are ready. As it was, Mao's opposition fled China to Taiwan and Mao was not challenged further by the nationalists.
The entire period of 1900-1949 made the Chinese wary of weak leadership. There are still people that remember these events and still hold an unwavering commitment to the C.C.P.
It is these people that form the most loyal support for the communists and do not wish for political freedom.
China under Mao and his communists underwent many changes. Between 1949 and 1957 the Chinese Communist Party's Common Programme was introduced. It demonstrated their ability to organise the people. There were huge public trials of counter revolutionaries and public enemies. The Five Antis Campaign was introduced to end corruption, tax evasion and bribery.
The C.C.P introduced the Agrarian Reform Law in 1950. It meant land was redistributed, which won support of the peasants. This led to mutual aid teams, the basis for the formation of co-operative farms as part of the first five year plan.
The marriage law of 1950 also won support from many women because it made arranged marriages illegal. It also meant that unwanted children could not be killed and divorce was only by mutual consent.
The First Five Year Plan of 1953 led to the development of heavy industry. 700 new factories and plants were created. Many new jobs in towns and cities were available. A huge movement of people followed. There was a greater need for food and the concept of co-operative farms was introduced. It proved very popular at first, with a 95% take up amongst peasant farmers. The scheme had many good points because it created jobs and paid a regular wage. This is an example of how the communists won early support amongst the people.
As a part of the CCP's Common Programme, Mao introduced the idea that problems should be discussed. The Hundred Flowers encouraged people to discuss their problems, particularly urban overcrowding and food shortage. Much of the criticism became focused on Mao and his communists and the Hundred Flowers ended in a crackdown on freedom and failure for Mao. This is a clear reason why the communist do not allow free democratic rights because their previous attempts have ended in failure.
During the early days of communism in China, the economy underwent many changes. The state-run People's Bank was introduced and had total control of all banking in China. The state also took control of rail and a third of industry.
By the mid 1950s there was no inflation in China and food shortages were being overcome by a 15-20% cut of grain produced being sold at a fixed low price to the government.
Overall, production of coal, iron, steel, oil, cement and fertiliser increased, creating more jobs and winning more support for the party.
The relationship developed with the USSR from 1949 onwards meant China received financial aid and could see where a more established communist system was going wrong. China can see that the collapse of communism in the USSR has brought chaos and suffering in a mafia controlled country. The C.C.P is eager to see that this does not happen in China and so this is another reason why the Chinese people are not allowed political freedom.
Mao's ideology of 100 years to achieve true communism is still followed and the current Chinese system in only half way down that line. It can also be argued that the failures experienced by Mao has delayed that goal.
One of Mao's failures was the great leap forward. In his eagerness to develop China quickly and show his ability to organise the people Mao introduced a number of bad policies. He encouraged small family industry such as backyard steel. These industries were wasteful and produced poor quality, useless goods. It also diverted people from food production.
Mao's communal farms also created a problem. There was competition between communes and production was grossly exaggerated. This led to famine and discontent amongst many people. It was here where people began to loose faith with their leaders.
Following the failure of the Great Leap Forward, Mao decided to take a back seat in the party affairs. Control of the party passed to Liu Shaoqi, who adopted a more moderate style of development. During this time he saw the return of corruption and some private enterprise. Mao did not like this and made a spectacular return in 1966 by swimming the Yangtze. With an alliance with the People's Liberation Army and faithful support from the Chinese youth (Red Guards) Mao launched the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. It was a 10 year period of constant revolution. Students were encouraged to turn on their teachers and parents. Many groups, including faithful party members, were beaten, humiliated and killed. Anger turned on foreigners and businessmen. City workers were attacked because they were against the communist way.
'Of all the important things, the possession of power is the most important. Such being the case, the revolutionary masses, with a deep hatred for the class enemy, make up their mind to unite, form a great alliance, SEIZE POWER!, SEIZE POWER!!, SEIZE POWER!!! All the party power, political power and financial power usurped by the counter-revolutionary revisionists and those die-hards who persistently cling to the bourgeois reactionary line must be recaptured.'
EDITORIAL IN PRO-REVOLUTIONARY NEWSPAPER, JAN. 1967
This shows how the youth were influenced and how strongly they would support their party.
In fact, the students worshipped Mao, as a result of their indoctrination in schools. Some of Mao's most faithful supporters published his book of quotations which was learned in schools. At the height of the Cultural Revolution people had to have a copy of the book with them at all times.
However, Mao was eventually forced to call off the Red Guard and sent the PLA in to restore order. Mao's death followed in 1976. This 10 year period can be seen as a time where Mao let things get out of control. Many people still remember the troubles of the Cultural Revolution and do not wish to return to it. Despite these problems, many still supported Mao. From the days of the long march to his reforms from 1950 onwards he made many lives better but towards the end of his rule they can see that he made some terrible errors causing times of huge unrest in China. Many were grateful to Deng for ending this and getting China back on it's feet. Therefore, many still remain loyal to his policy of economic liberalisation but political authoritarianism. They were also grateful for his end to the terror created by the gang of four.
From the late 1970s a dominant figure became clear in the wake of Mao's death. Deng Xiaoping was a great believer in the well-being of the country through a good economy. His famous comment 'It doesn't matter if the cat is black or white as long as it catches the mouse.' summed up his view that the progress of the economy should not be retarded by communist dogma.
Deng also suffered as a result of the Cultural Revolution and was aware the trouble caused by a strict obsession with Mao's doctrine. Because of this he still followed his predecessor's views but was more moderate in the ways he carried them out.
It is because of these views that Deng can be said to be responsible for the existence of the paradoxes. As part of his drive to modernise the economy he opened China up to foreign investment. He visited the USA and offered incentives to invest in China. He set up special economic zones in the south coastal regions of China. These areas have developed extremely fast and are responsible for much of China's trade and investment. Many banks and multinational businesses have opened in these zones. One such zone is Shanghai and the surrounding area. In 1992 in was producing 1106% of the 1979 industrial average output.
This creation of a Socialist Market Economy With Chinese Characteristics is responsible for a huge rise in living standards for many, but also the creation of a rich/poor class divide. Many people are enjoying freedoms in many areas of society. This is why only a minority in China are calling for democracy, however this minority is likely to grow as people's living standards improve further.
This economic reform was accompanied by huge industrial and rural modernisation. The industry in towns and cities was largely state run and therefore wasteful. It did however provide a regular wage for many more people. These people are enjoying the benefits that comes with a growing economy and do not yet call for democratic freedom.
Alongside the modernisation of industry, there was huge reform of agriculture. The communes were broken up and people were working for themselves. Food production increased and the farmers were allowed to sell their excess at local markets. Rural living standards were rising and support continued.
There was, however, one policy that proved extremely unpopular in the countryside. The One Child Policy meant that many family farm units did not have enough workers.
Throughout all of this economic liberation, Deng still showed his belief in authoritarian rule. Early on in his rule a movement criticising the Cultural Revolution. This criticism spread to other areas of society. Upon Deng's return form his trip to America the Democracy Wall Movement was crushed, illustrating clearly that Deng intended to keep the authoritarian hold on China.
As the economic development progressed and living standards rose further, more and more people began to call for political freedom. This culminated in the Tianamen Square protests of the mid to late 1980s. The first series of demonstrations was in December 1986. Students in 15 cities joined the call for democracy. After the demonstrations were ended by arrests, the leading communists called for Hu Yaobong, a role model for the students, to be expelled from the party. They got their wish and the secretary general of the CCP was sacked.
Hu Yaobong's death in April 1989 marked the second series of demonstrations. This time, the students were joined by many city workers in a huge demonstration in Tianamen Square.
In June the People's Liberation Army was sent in to crush the demonstration, that consisted of over one million people at times. This clearly showed that the CCP is determined to keep China authoritarian.
Despite the clear human rights issues that came out of these event, outside investment still continued, and, in a visit to the economic zones of the south Deng Xiaoping proclaimed 'To be rich is glorious.' in his call for the rest of China to copy the example of the south. It is a clear indication of his remaining belief in the view that 'Communism will not be improved by rhetoric, but by raising people's living standards.'
BORN UNDER A RED FLAG, CHANNEL 4 DOCUMENTARY
Deng's last public appearance was in February 1994 and his death followed in 1997.
As a result of China's rapidly developing economy, the country was now experiencing many of the problems faced by a capitalist economy. There are over 100 million peasants out of work. There is no investment far inland and there is a significant rich/poor divide. It is, perhaps, true that these troubles are being managed better in China's authoritarian state than in the capitalist western countries.
The arguments for the continuing authoritarian rule in China are very strong. The collapse of communism in the USSR and the break down of the Eastern Block is a clear sign of the dangers China may face if democracy is introduced. Many Chinese do not want to see their booming economy go into decline. They do not want to see massive inflation, although this is getting to be the case in China today. They do not want the corruption and chaos that can be seen in Russia. The do not want the rise of the Mafia and they do not want the problems brought on by a weak currency. The fear is that democracy will bring these problems and so the Chinese government feel the need for the dictatorship to continue.
Another argument for the continuing dictatorship is the size of China. A democracy invariably brings about an attitude of short-termism. In a country as huge as China, this could bring disastrous consequences. In order to support the huge population and sustain economic growth, huge schemes, unimaginable in a democracy, are needed. The mass of investment needed would also be difficult to justify in a democracy. For example, the Three Gorges Project involves the mass movement of people, the flooding of 340 towns and countless villages. The project would also cause a huge environmental impact, yet it is necessary to provide hydroelectric power, make the Yangtze River more navigable and provide flood control. Many argue it is a necessary development, but it would not be conceived in a democratic country.
Another indication that authoritarian rule is needed in China is it's huge population. The efforts made to control it through the one child policy could only be enforced in an authoritarian country because of the potential backlash against it.
The calls for democracy at the moment still do not seem to be worrying the Chinese government. Throughout it's history the Chinese have experienced a need for strong rule and has experienced the consequences of weak leadership. This, coupled with the huge amount of support won by the CCP since it's 1920 formation means that there is deep running support for the continuation of authoritarian rule by the Chinese Communist Party. This support is, however, now giving way to the increased numbers calling for democratic freedom.
The continuing foreign influence and investment means that the spread of democratic ideas is extended. The return of the westernised Hong Kong also adds western values into the Chinese society. The Internet provides a medium for an increasing number of pro democracy protesters to spread their views and opens the Chinese people up to a vast source of western views.
People's rising living standards means that they no longer worry about the more traditional family matters, but they desire greater freedoms. Society in China has progressed to the stage where many people now want political freedom.
China's future could possibly take one of three courses. The first option is that it reverts back to an orthodox communist state. This is, however, unlikely because China is so far down the road to a free market that it would prove hard to revert back. In addition to the blow to the economy, huge lifestyle changes would put massive pressure on the government.
The second possibility is that China follows the 'Singapore Solution', where it stays as an authoritarian country but loses it's political ideology. This is the most likely because the death of Deng Xiaoping in 1997 led to Jiang Zemin's rise to power. Zemin has strong ties with the PLA and is unlikely to let go of his rule over China. It is certainly true that in recent years, under Zemin, China has become more authoritarian. Deng was also the last of the founding communists and his successors are less likely to hold the belief in the strict communist doctrine. As a result, communist ideas will become less important and China will lose its political goals. This is particularly clear because when Hong Kong was returned in 1997 it was not subjected to rapid changes in it's system to make it fit in more with the communist ideology. The growth of the southern economic zones also shows how the communist system in China is not trying to retard economic growth.
The third possibility is that China will become a completely democratic, capitalist country. This is less likely than the 'Singapore Solution' because of Jiang Zemin's military links. It is, however, a possibility because of the spread of democratic views. It is also true that the spread of capitalist ideas means that authoritarianism will slowly disappear. The peasantry, some of the communist's most loyal supporters, will also play a large part in China's future course. As the peasant farmers become richer they will desire democratic freedom and call for an end to authoritarianism.
Whatever course China takes, it is clear that while it remains a communist country the paradoxes will still exist. It is also true that while it remains authoritarian the paradox of social freedom but democratic oppression will exist.
China's future course is also likely to continue it's growth and prosperity. China is fast becoming a major power in world economics and politics. With a sustained growth rate and continuing investment China will soon outrank many major capitalist countries in the economic stakes.
Rushi Patel 11M