This new found momentum continued with the Treaty of Maastricht signed in 1992. The key aspects of this treaty included provisions for a European Monetary Union (EMU), including a single currency and the consolidation of social policy provision through the Social Chapter. More significantly however, it also formally created the European Union (EU) comprising three pillars, which are its existing economic and social pillar, foreign policy and finally cooperation on justice and home affairs. [Politics UK 5th Edition]
Since the signing at Maastricht in 1992, the EU has continued to enlarge with the accession of Austria, Finland and Sweden (1995). Whilst 2004 saw the single largest increase in members, with ten new states mostly from the former Soviet bloc. Even more recently, Bulgaria and Romania officially became members on the 1st of January 2007.
The EU has also continued to amend its original treaties in an attempt to be more accessible, transparent and effective whilst introducing innovative policy. This has led for example to the Treaty of Amsterdam, the Treaty of Nice, the single European currency and proposals for a European constitution.
The EU has five key institutions. These are the European Commission, the Council of Ministers, the European Council, the European Parliament (EP) and finally the European Court of Justice. [Politics UK 5th Edition]
The Commission is the equivalent to the UK’s Civil Service however it differs in that it has a certain degree of autonomy, particularly in areas such as initiating policy and developing trans-national ideas. The Commission has a permanent staff of around 25,000, headed by twenty Commissioners each in charge of a particular policy area. The commissioners are appointed by the national governments, a president is then selected, at present it is Jose Manuel Barroso.
The Council of Ministers acts as the main decision making organ of the EU. The Council comprises of Ministers from member states. Which Minister attends depends on the subject under discussion. For example the Council of Economic and Finance Ministers (Ecofin) brings together the Chancellor of the Exchequer and his counterparts from the other member states. Due to congested domestic Schedules the majority of the Councils work is prepared by the Committee of Permanent Representatives (COREPER). Council and COREPER meetings are chaired over by the presidency. This is held by each member state on a rota basis for a six month term. The UK held the presidency in the first half of 1998.
The European Council was established in 1974. It can be broadly compared to the Council of Ministers except that it comprises of the heads of government, foreign ministers and two commissioners. It meets at least twice per year and tends to be most useful for over seeing initiatives and offering leadership. However it has initiated some key developments including the SEA, the Maastricht Treaty and the launch of the single currency in 1999.
The European Parliament (EP) has 732 MEPs, this is the maximum allowed, as set out in the Treaty of Nice. On the 13th of May 2007 Bulgaria will elect 18 MEPs whilst Romania will elect 35. To balance these figures, existing member states will face a reduction in the numbers they may elect. The powers of the EP include influence over the budget, consultation and cooperation in legislation and the power of veto over the accession of new members. It has a strong committee system but suffers from perceived remoteness and poor voter turnout. For example in the 1999 EP elections, the average turnout was only 49.4 per cent.
The European Court of Justice (ECJ) main function is to enforce and interpret EU law and its Treaties. This takes precedence over UK law therefore British courts are required to strike down UK laws which contravene EU law. Many people and politicians in the UK perceive this to be a major threat to parliamentary sovereignty.
For Britain and the rest of Europe the period immediately following the Second World War brought with it major social, political and economical changes. Whilst national economies struggled to recover, Europe had essentially been split in two, divided by social and political ideologies which spawned the cold war.
However, the reaction of Britain at that time was very different from continental Europe. After having emerged from the war as one of the victors, the sovereignty of the state remained an object of national pride, whilst domestic issues such as pressure for development of the welfare state and the calls of the colonies for independence diverted attention from Europe.
By 1961 however, the strong economic performance of the then six member states and the decline of Britain’s foreign policy influence, prompted the UK government, under the Conservative Prime Minister Harold Macmillan, to apply for membership. However this application and a subsequent one made by the Labour government of Harold Wilson in 1967 were unsuccessful.
Finally in 1973 Britain’s membership was accepted after Edward Heath’s conservative government had the decision approved in the House of Commons albeit thanks to support from rebel Labour MPs who rejected their party’s line of opposing the terms negotiated.
From 1979 to 1990 and then 1990 to 1997 the conservatives were in government led by Margaret Thatcher and John Major respectively.
During Thatcher’s reign as PM, Britain’s relationship with Europe remained delicate. The main area of controversy then and even now was Europe’s Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) which accounts for almost half of overall EU expenditure. It was initially designed in the 1960’s with the interests of the original six members in mind. It was widely regarded as being protectionist, as it favoured the farmers over the consumer. Britain’s agricultural policy prior 1973 however, favoured the consumer with low food prices. Thus, adaptation to the CAP resulted in rising prices and Britain found itself being a major contributor to the European budget with little revenue in return. This led to Thatcher demanding Britain’s ‘own money back’. [UK Politics 5th edition]
Interestingly the controversy of the CAP remains an important issue in Britain and in 2002 Tony Blair’s support of scaling it back led to a dispute with French President Jacques Chirac.
By the end of 1990 Margaret Thatcher’s time as Conservative leader had come to an end, largely due to her party’s divisions over Europe. Despite her support of the Single Market Programme, she had lost credibility after resignations by a number of party members, most notably the resignation of Sir Geoffrey Howe over direction of policy and Nigel Lawson over membership of the ERM.
ERM stands for Exchange Rate Mechanism and was an essential component of the European Monetary System which was introduced in 1979 to stabilise currency fluctuations. The UK initially failed to sign up to the ERM on the grounds that it would constrain domestic economic policy. However John Major who was Chancellor at this time persuaded Thatcher to sign up in October 1990.
Subsequently, British membership of the ERM was to end abruptly in 1992 on a day that would be remembered as ‘Black Wednesday’. This was due to turmoil in the foreign exchanges that forced the pound as well as the lira to leave. Throughout the day the John Major, who was now PM, and the Chancellor raised interest rates and authorised the spending of Billions of pounds in an attempt to keep the pound within the range allowed by the ERM. The consequence was that the Conservatives had lost their reputation for safely managing the economy. [news.bbc.co.uk]
In the same year the Treaty of Maastricht was signed. It included a commitment to the European Monetary Union (EMU) to be implemented by 1999. The Conservatives negotiated a get out clause, meaning they wouldn’t have to join the single currency. Major struggled to ratify the Treaty in the House of Commons however, due to opposition from Labour, as well as internal division. Labour did not oppose the Treaty but rather Britain’s opt out of the Social Chapter.
In the run up to the general election in 1997 John Major struggled to maintain unity within his party. It was necessary to avoid division as previously in 1994 nine Conservative back benchers voted against the Government on a European issue and had the party whip removed, thus threatening Major’s parliamentary majority. This led the Government to obstructing negotiations with the EU in an attempt to appease party members at least until the election was over.
Conversely the Labour party embraced Europe during its campaign by committing itself to entering the EMU but only after receiving authorisation in the Cabinet, Parliament and in a popular referendum. Labour won the election and in Autumn Gordon Brown the new Chancellor unveiled the five economic tests upon which accession would be dependant.
Labour remains in power to this day and has continued throughout its governing to constructively engage with Europe. It has long been an advocate of enlargement of the EU, supporting Turkey’s recent accession bid. Whilst internally initiating policy to raise the profile of the UK’s involvement with Europe. It has even constructively engaged in discussions regarding an EU constitution which is something no other British Government has done.
Although lacking in experience of Europe whilst in Government, the Liberal Democrats have their own ideas about Britain’s role in the EU. Their policy is one of support for the single currency and constitution and in June 2005 unveiled their “3 Point” EU reform plan.
The Conservatives have struggled to regain any composure and remain divided as ever on the issue of Europe. Countless leaders since 1997 have tried to bring stability with one policy or another. For example William Hague campaigned on a ‘save the pound’ platform whilst his successor Iain Duncan Smith downplayed European policy altogether. The new Conservative leader however has suggested that the Tories will pursue a future policy of constructive engagement with the EU. On his first visit to Brussels as Tory leader in 2006, David Cameron praised the work of the Commission saying “the agenda of this commission does seem to be very positive”. [politics.gaurdian.co.uk]
In conclusion Britain’s relationship with the EU has always been one characterised by semi-detachment and by internal political division within and between the political parties. The conservative party appears to epitomize this. It was the Tories who took Britain in to the EC, yet ever since they have been hampered by internal feuds. The Labour party on the other hand has portrayed a more united front on European issues, particularly in recent times, despite the threat of division in Harold Wilson’s government in 1975. Interestingly the 2004 EP elections show that the Conservatives and Labour failed to gain 50 percent of the vote between them, and both lost seats. Whilst the UK Independence party made the biggest gains and voter turn out compared to the 1999 elections was up by around 15 percent, [www.parliament.uk] This suggests that public awareness and interest in European issues is on the increase meaning the main parties and in particular the Tories will have to adapt or be left behind.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
2004 European Parliament Election Results at, http://www.parliament.uk [December 23, 2006]
Common questions Foreign & Commonwealth Office at, [January 5, 2007]
Conservative Party-News story at, http://www.conservatives.com [December 20, 2006]
JONES, Bill. KAVANAGH, Dennis. MORAN, Michael. NORTON, Philip. (2004). Politics UK. 5th edition. Pearson Education Limited.
The ERM and Black Wednesday at, [January 4, 2007]
Tories will engage with Europe at, http://politics.guardian.co.uk [January 5, 2007]
