Palmerston was not a typical Victorian. He had entered parliament ten years before Victoria ascended the throne and had none of the high-Victorian seriousness. Nor was he a liberal in home affairs. He entered the Commons as a Tory and was uneasy about the Reform Act of 1832, opposing parliamentary reform thereafter.
He became Foreign Secretary in 1830. He was in parliament for nearly 60 years (as Tory, Canningite, Whig and eventually Liberal), and during this period was rarely out of office: he was Secretary at War for 19 years, Foreign Secretary for 16, Home Secretary for two and Prime Minister for nine years.
Palmerston knew that his primary concern was to forward England’s interests: ‘we have no eternal allies, and we have no perpetual enemies. Our interests are eternal and perpetual, and these interests it is our duty to follow.’ The year 1848 provides understanding both to Palmerston’s foreign policy and the reputation he acquired for liberalism. At home he acted in a very illiberal manner. He got out his pistols and organised the defence of the Foreign Office, and he was very harsh towards convicted Chartists. There was some truth is this flattering image. Britain did have the most advanced economy and the strongest navy in the world. Also, she took for granted liberal freedoms – like freedom of speech and religious toleration – which were still being fought for on the continent. Yet Palmerston ignored illiberal aspects of British society and was unaware of the trend towards relative economic decline that was setting in.
China objected to imports of opium from India, a country where Britain had banned the sale of the drug. The Chinese also resented Britain trying to open up new markets in their country. The result was a series of small wars between 1839 and 1860. This was the era of what is now called ‘gunboat diplomacy’ and Palmerston was a great exponent of it. British gunboats, small but heavily armed craft, were despatched across the empire and served as the sharp end of British diplomacy. This again is not a Victorian Liberalism policy, unless peace can be linked to naval and military power through trade.
Throughout his career the cornerstone of Palmerston’s policy was always based around what was best for Britain’s interests. His actions were opportunistic and never governed by liberal fantasies of everyone having a fair share. Equally he was aware that there were certain powers which were reaching the point of possessing the potential to challenge Britain in the international arena. America was one such power.
Palmerston was much appreciated by the public. He was admired for his vitality and energy. He would sit for several hours at a time in Parliament with little or no refreshment and when he finished with Commons’ business he would walk to his house in Piccadilly and spend half the night writing reports to Queen Victoria. He often stood at his desk in order to stop himself falling asleep. Palmerston has been described variously as a ‘liberal’ and as a ‘nationalist’. But the labels would largely depend on the political situation with which he had to deal at a particular time. With regard to the slave trade, which he largely stamped out, he may appear as a liberal. He also believed in self-determination, examples being his assistance to the Belgians and his general sympathy with the Italian ambition for self-government without Austrian intrusion. However, when a crucial imperial issue was at stake Palmerston’s opinion was bellicose and forthright.
