Participation
We have seen that the importance of parties has been declining. Party memberships have fallen dramatically (as have voting turnouts), and the ordinary members of parties now have relatively little influence over the policy-making process. But membership of pressure groups has been growing - so too have their activities. Social and political research indicates strongly that political participation and a general interest in politics is not declining as statistics might suggest. Rather the nature of interest and participation is changing. The large numbers of non-voters and apparently disillusioned non-participants (concentrated among the young) have shifted their political awareness away from party politics in favour of specific political issues. Clearly pressure groups provide a more appropriate vehicle for such interest than do parties.
Access points
Pressure groups now have many more 'access points' to the decision-making institutions than has been true in the past. It used to be the case that pressure groups concentrated the vast majority of their efforts on government ministers, civil servants and their advisers, or on Parliament. But decision making in Britain today has become spread over a much wider range of institutions. This process has four facets: the importance of the European Union; devolution of power to national regions; the growth of policy-making bodies outside the traditional party system; and the increasing importance of the courts as a result of the passage of the Human Rights Act.
The European Union
The clearest example has been the growing jurisdiction of the European Union. Those decisions that are made in the Union have forced pressure groups to adopt two new methods. First, they have switched many of their activities to the European Commission, the Committee of the Regions, the Social and Economic Committee and various other Union institutions whose task it is to develop policy. At the same time, the European Parliament is becoming more influential. Therefore, lobby groups have sent increasing numbers of representatives to the Parliament and its committees. In 2005 there were more than 4200 accredited (that is, permitted to operate freely) lobbyists attached to the European Parliament.
Of course, pressure groups continue to lobby national ministers, who make the final decisions, but there is ample opportunity for groups to put pressure on permanent institutions that have consciously opened their doors to representatives of interest groups. It is often argued that the European Union is an undemocratic body and, in the traditional sense of 'parliamentary democracy', that is probably so. But it is also noteworthy that the European Union accepts that the representation of interests is vital if they are to recommend policy which will enjoy popular consent.
Second, groups have understood that they must unite with their European counterparts if they are to exert effective pressure. So we have seen the development of an increasing number of 'federated' groups in Europe. All major trade unions, producer groups and environmental campaign organisations, for example, have developed their own European-wide institutions. The brief list of examples of European pressure and interest groups shown below gives a flavour of the range of issues being treated in this way:
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European Automobile Manufacturers Association
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Friends of the Earth Europe
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Association of Electricity Producers
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European Fair Trade Association
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European Mine, Chemical and Energy Workers Federation
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European Small Business Alliance
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Association of Commercial Television in Europe
- European Association for the Defence of Human Rights
Devolution
A considerable amount of power has been devolved to Scottish and Welsh government (and to Northern Ireland, when devolved government is operating there). The main policy areas which have been devolved are: health, education, transport, planning, industrial development, agriculture and local government services. Pressure groups that are involved in these policy areas have naturally been forced to move some of their operations to Edinburgh, Cardiff and Belfast. Of course, the main thrust of their activities remains in London or Brussels, but there has been a considerable shift in their operations.
Extra-party institutions
As we have seen, the early consideration of policy has shifted away from party institutions. Instead, there is now a wide range of external think tanks, policy units, private advisers and working parties, which have the task of feeding policy options into the government machinery. Pressure groups have a vital interest in becoming involved in the early stages of policy consideration. The main way in which they can achieve this is by employing professional lobbyists, who can find their way through the maze of policy-making institutions which now flourish at the centre of British politics. Professional lobbyists undertake the critical task of identifying the key decision make:-securing contact with them and ensuring that the information that a pressure group wishes to disseminate finds the appropriate targets.
The Human Rights Act
This Act was passed in 1998 and brought the European Convention on Human Rights into British law in 2000. Its effect was to reinforce and introduce a wide range of rights, many of which were designed to protect minority interests. Since many pressure and interest groups represent such minorities, the Act provided many new opportunities for them to assert their interests. By applying to the courts, a minority group may be able to seek a judgement that protects them from oppressive legislation. The human rights campaign group, Liberty, for example, has been especially active in this judicial field since the passage of the Act.
Direct action
It used to be the case that insider pressure groups were seen to have a distinct advantage in gaining the attention of policy and decision makers over outsider groups. This was because they had direct access, were generally felt to be more responsible in their demands and had developed long-term links with government and Parliament. This picture has been changing, however. Many groups now feel that they can exert more pressure on government by mobilising public opinion than by pursuing direct links with decision makers. Certainly there is a good deal of evidence to suggest that modem governments are responsive to mass political movements - nearly always outsiders - provided they can demonstrate widespread support. The Countryside Alliance has certainly found this, as have old-age pensioner groups, development aid campaigners and environmentalists. Direct action, when properly organised and well supported, is growing in importance.
Summary
Many millions of British citizens consider themselves to be detached from the political process. There has been growing disillusionment with traditional party politics; fewer people than ever bother to vote in elections; and party membership has been falling steadily. But there is a different perspective that we can adopt. In terms of pressure group activity, especially since the emergence of new social movements, it could be claimed that political activity and participation have never been higher.
Though a decreasing number of people identify closely with any political party or ideology, a growing number are willing to take positive action in pursuit of a cause about which they feel passionate. Furthermore, as representative institutions - especially parties and Parliament - have become increasingly marginalised and impotent, there has been a renewed interest in the influence of direct action. As long as we enjoy an independent civil society, and as long as politicians remain sensitive to public opinion, pressure groups will remain a key feature of British democracy.
