Was Robert Peel's reorganisation of the Tory party the most important factor in the 1841 election?

However, it is true to say that Peel’s victory followed a series of remarkable circumstances that served to enhance public confidence in his leadership. During the early part of 1835, for example, Peel was presented with an unexpected chance to test the success of his policies, and the extent of his man-management. Having confirmed his ability in the Commons and the Lords, Peel was William IV’s first choice to replace the dismissed Prime Minister Lord Melbourne. Peel’s ministry lasted only one hundred days; being a minority government, it was easily defeated by the Lichfield House Compact of 1835. However, Peel had demonstrated admirable vision in his policies regarding the Church and the problems in Ireland. He also learnt to extend the breadth of Tory policy to incorporate the needs of the wider British electorate. From then until 1841, Peel looked to strengthen his control on party policy, and to affirm the foundations of the party’s nationwide support. Between 1832 and 1841, there were an extraordinary four elections, enabling Peel to gradually build up support within the two Houses. The Conservative seats increased from 185 in December 1832 to 279 in January 1835, and from 314 to 367 between August 1837 and July 1841. This undoubtedly aided the progress of Peel’s policies. However, it must be acknowledged that Peel was extremely fortunate in being able to increase his influence in such a way; with less elections, the Whig majority may never have decreased so rapidly. Furthermore, Peel was able to judge how well his policies were received in the minds of the electorate by analysing the locations of his party’s gains. However, it is the ‘Bedchamber Crisis’ of 1839 that, in retrospect, appears the most fortunate event for Peel. Lord Melbourne had resigned and, with the Whigs appearing devoid of inspiring policies, Queen Victoria took the bold step of appointing Peel Prime Minister. The Conservatives were delighted. Peel, however, had the foresight to realise that entering Parliament as a minority for the second time would make his leadership appear weak and ineffective. To confirm the Queen’s confidence, he therefore asked that the wives of Whig noblemen be removed from the household posts at Court, where they had been placed by Melbourne. As a show of loyalty to the outgoing Prime Minister, Victoria refused. Peel had made the correct decision: Melbourne continued in office for a further two years, before a vote of ‘no confidence’ dismissed him, and the Conservatives were able to enter government at the height of their political strength. Whilst being less important than Peel’s reorganisation of his party, these fortunate events were crucial in asserting his high standing both within Commons and the country. However, without the Conservatives re-emergence as a political force, such fortunate circumstances would have occurred without being capitalised upon. Thus, the impact of this second factor is dependent upon the success of the first.

A pre-requisite for Conservative success, though, was Whig failure. The party, who had experienced such unprecedented- and as yet unparalleled- success in the 1832 election, had to fail spectacularly in order to allow the Tories to regain power. They did. First, however, one must consider that the Conservatives’ 1832 position was not as disastrous as it first appeared. The Whig landslide was due largely to the momentum of their inevitably popular Reformations Bill, and does not accurately reflect popular opinion at the time. Furthermore, the party was, at its heart, divided. It was Parliamentary Reform alone that had united Grey’s cabinet, and the other issues on the Whigs’ political agenda were far more divisive. The first public display of this division occurred through Russell’s rather radical proposals concerning the Church of Ireland. Viewing the institution as unimportant in the hugely Catholic country, Russell suggested diverting some of its wealth into the building of schools and hospitals. The Whigs’ hard-line Anglicans were outraged, and characters such as Lord Stanley and Sir James Graham left the party as a matter of principle. Ultimately, the pair would join Peel on the Tory front bench. Such divisions led to Lord Grey’s 1834 resignation, and despite the regrouping which put an end to Peel’s five-month tenure in 1835, the Whigs suffered long-term damage. Peel had been given a platform, and duly used it to publicise his Tamworth Manifesto, generally regarded as the first sustained statement of ‘Conservative’ principles. Furthermore, the Whigs’ common majority depended relied upon an agreement with the Radicals and Irish Catholics within parliament. This allowed Peel to imply that the Whigs would be influenced by these ‘extreme’ groups, and thus to depict the Conservatives as a source of salvation. Peel continually reiterated this point in the late 1830s, and, struggling to cope with economic depression, the Whigs found themselves in a vulnerable position. The Conservatives highlighted the Whigs’ repeatedly unbalanced budgets, Peel accusing them of “inexcusable incompetence.” This, combined with the rise of Chartism, Peel was able to induce fear within the British public: with the Whigs in charge, he asserted, the economy would suffer, Chartism would rise and radicals would gain influence within Parliament. Thus, one can see that Peel was able capitalise on these Whig errors, and in doing so emphasise his own party’s success. However, without Peel’s exploitation, the Whig mistakes may have gone unnoticed. It was only through the Tories’ re-emergence, and their leaders’ astute judgement, that they were to feel the full wrath of their failures. However, I feel that the Whigs’ weaknesses were a more important factor than the fortunate circumstances that the Tories enjoyed. If Peel were to succeed, it was essential that the Whigs lost the momentum gained by the Reformations Bill. In the form of party splits and bad decisions, the Whig leadership ensured they did.

The Conservative Party required Robert Peel’s presence in order to take advantage of the weaknesses of the Whigs, and of the fortunate circumstances that preceded the 1841 election. His oratory skills, and public agents, meant that every Whig mistake was highlighted, and every Tory success celebrated. In remodelling and reorganising the Tory party, Peel had succeeded in creating the “first modern political party” (Gash) and ensured that the Conservatives exploited the favourable situation in which they found themselves. It is an example today’s Conservative party dream of following.