In their preface, Garland, von Hirsch and Wakefield (2000), define ‘situational crime prevention’ as any crime prevention strategies which aim to reduce opportunities in everyday life, for offenders to commit crime. Situational crime prevention (SCP), is a much written about and discussed topic in criminological debates, indeed it has been described as perhaps ‘the most overworked and least understood concept in contemporary criminology’ (in Gilling, 1997:3). Reducing opportunity for crime uses environmental designs such as lighting, space-management and stronger materials as well as improved locks, alarm systems, video surveillance and even the use of private security firms in patrolling. Whilst these are usually endorsed by the police, the schemes are not paid for from their budget but from the pocket of the private citizen. The private sector provides these services and products, and in the Standing Conference on Crime Prevention’s report in 1988, they estimated the general public spent £1,600 million annually on security and this is now believed to be around £2,000 million (Osborn and Shaftoe, 1995:7).
‘Potential victims have been increasingly exhorted to take responsibility
for their own safety and to adopt appropriate measures to
prevent crime and to protect themselves from risks’
Crawford, 1998:22.
Criticisms of SCP are wide-ranging but perhaps the most contentious debate surrounds ‘displacement theory’. This is a theory about the shift in crime patterns – for example, Osborn and Shaftoe, 1995, discuss the problem of displacement in context with burglary. They say that if homes are so well protected as to prevent breaking in, then it is possible that the burglars will turn to robbing in the street to get their money. In this way, the crime has not been stopped, but simply displaced to another area (p27). They then go on to say that in their studies of key problem areas, and the schemes to clean them up, they found that:
‘where a mix of measures is introduced, including design, management
and social development measures, overall crime levels fall –
not just the levels of particular crimes such as burglary, and stay down longer’.
Osborn and Shaftoe, 1995:27.
One positive way of looking at displacement theory, however, is that some measures are not always intended to control crime, but have an added effect to their original schema. For example, in 1970, there was a law passed which made it compulsory to wear helmets when riding motorbikes. As an added result to the safety notion, the theft of motorbikes was greatly reduced at the same time – it is believed that opportunists would no longer take a bike on impulse, as if they had no helmet then they were much more likely to be noticed (Cornish and Clarke, 1986:2). However, they also claim that despite the notion of crime displacement, there is very little evidence to back it up.
We find that despite the use of SCP, crime figures have risen dramatically over the last two decades. There have been much-publicised drops in certain types of crime, but with the exception of last years’ British Crime Survey, there has been no real evidence to suggest a strong correlation between crime prevention measures and crime rates.
Osborn and Shaftoe (1995) indicate to us that whilst small, localised projects work well in the short term, these schemes are rarely used throughout the country at the same time, and rarer still are they seen through to an end. This, more often than not, is because of a lack of resources and money.
In a paper entitled ‘Combating Burglary’, the Home Office funded three projects in the UK to try three different approaches to preventing burglary (Stockdale and Gresham, 1995). They all had a positive effect to a degree, but the key details that were lamented by the police involved, were primarily about the lack of funding and resources. The public relations were excellent, and the schemes well received by local media and citizens, but it was discovered that enthusiasm dwindled quickly unless given ‘innovative ideas’ with which to advertise the campaigns (pp53/4). These efforts to clamp down on one crime had also left the police rather short on numbers for attending other crimes, and they felt that in prioritising burglary, they were forced to achieve performance targets. Though the publicity campaigns had received some corporate sponsorship, there was a direct shift in resources away from other areas (p55). These pilot studies never became nation-wide schemes.
Crime in Britain is mainly related to the acquisition of property. Vehicle theft and burglary with a loss are the biggest crimes in the country (BCS 2001:12), but not necessarily the ones which cause the most fear. Fear of crime can be more distressing than being a victim of crime because it very often restricts people’s movements and way of life (Laycock, 1991:viii). In a study entitled ‘The Influence of Street Lighting on Crime and the Fear of Crime’, the Crime Prevention Unit improved the quality of lighting in many city areas. They then catalogued the numbers of crimes committed in the area over a period of time (Laycock, 1991). They discovered, however, that using street lights as an SCP method did not actually have an effect on reported crime rates, but the lights were welcomed by the general public as they reduced the fear of crime (p.viii).
Contrary to popular belief, foot patrols by the police are largely ineffective, as the likelihood of ‘stumbling’ across a crime in action, is somewhat remote (Gilling, 2000:137; Mawby, 2000:109). However, as with the street lighting experiment, it can be seen that the effect of the police patrols is simply for public reassurance, even if not for the deterrent effect. In looking to deter crime, there are more ways than one. We have looked at the effects of situational crime prevention, but there is also another SCP, the social crime prevention. This is typically seen in schools, or even in prisons as part of rehabilitation programmes. At school it is often called Personal, Social and Moral Education. These classes are designed to help young people – or even convicted criminals, to look at actions considered to be morally wrong, illegal, or a combination of the two (Cavadino and Dignan, 1999:146). In asking people to look at life around them, there is an opportunity to instil a certain amount of socialisation into a person’s ideas. By encouraging them to be more tolerant and perhaps to find less problematic solutions to their needs and desires, they will be encouraged to recognise that they can earn their money rather than steal it. Cornish and Clarke suggest that this could almost be seen as instilling a conscience in place of criminal tendencies, so reducing the number of crimes carried out impulsively (1986:6). However, these theories have not yet been thoroughly researched, and could be regarded as criminological philosophy.
Some criminological theories can be seen as being part of crime prevention and reduction strategies, in that they increase an understanding of the criminal mind. Cornish and Clarke continue to discuss offender rationality in making the decision to commit crime at all. They identify five main reasons for committing crime and outline some of the psychological processes that define the nature of the offence. Opportunistic crime is a rationalised decision made by the offender, but heat of the moment crimes – or crimes of passion – are exactly what the description implies. This is often the beaten husband or wife finally hitting back their oppressor. Then there is senseless crime, such as vandalism, which will often be committed in order to fulfil personal wishes, such as increasing social status in a group of youths. Finally, there is a small group of people who do not weigh up the consequences of their actions at all – these people cannot be truly categorised (Cornish and Clarke, 1986:6). This includes people with mental problems.
Illustrative case studies of problem areas targeted in the UK to try and reduce burglary, theft, violence and criminal damage can be found in a book entitled ‘Safer Neighbourhoods’. Osborn and Shaftoe, 1995, followed several projects (albeit mainly in the London area) which fought local troublemakers to improve communities in housing estates. In Hackney, injunctions were taken out against individuals known to cause problems which prevented them from entering any flat on the Kingsmead housing estate excepting their own. If they were seen breaking the terms of the injunction, the police had authority to act immediately in removing them and having them evicted from their homes. Alongside this, other projects were commenced, such as securing empty flats to prevent breaking and entering, criminal damage and squatting. As a direct result of these measures, burglary levels fell from the 1992 levels of 340, to less than 50 in 1993. In Enfield, on the Alma Road estate, £4.5 million was spent from 1986-1989 in upgrading the facilities, and the environmental design. All homes were fitted with new, reinforced front doors and new heating systems, the communal areas were redecorated, exterior gardens and playgrounds were landscaped and the Kestrel Employment Enterprise Project was initiated. This project was run by the inhabitants for themselves, setting up a playgroup, recycling schemes and employment schemes. In 1988, there were 45 burglaries and 18 counts of serious criminal damage on the estate; by 1992, this was reduced dramatically to a single burglary and three counts of criminal damage (Osborn and Shaftoe, 1995:10-12).
Using external measures with the agreement and co-operation of the residents, it has been shown by these projects that there are ways in which the crime rates in bad areas can be reduced. By enlisting the help of the people who have to live with the problems, a hands-on approach is taken, much like the Neighbourhood Watch schemes of the 1980s. However, there are other technological means of crime prevention. Closed Circuit Television (CCTV) is often used in business as a way of deterring shoplifting, but also of catching those people the cameras do not inhibit. In a video surveillance experiment in Kings Lynn, CCTV was installed in an industrial estate after a spate of criminal damage. It was so effective that they decided to implement the scheme in other places as well. The network was not completed until 1992, but it covered the central shopping area, a nearby housing estate, the town centre, the carparks and the hospital. In one year, the rate of theft from cars dropped from 207 incidents in 1991 to just 10 in 1992. In implementing a scheme originally intended for preventing criminal damage, it was found that the cameras were more effective in preventing theft (Osborn and Shaftoe, 1995:25).
In summing up crime prevention, Colqhoun makes five very interesting points (see Garland, 2000:3). He outlines crime and offenders in context to society, thus: crime is a matter of temptation, not of a peculiarity of the individual; that crime follows wealth, especially in our capitalist society; control of crime should focus on prevention, as the poor and criminals will always be with us; that policing is the responsibility of anyone with an interest in preserving property and personal security; and finally that policing and prevention is a matter of improving society as a whole. In this light, the police become somewhat redundant from their original role as a deterrent (Gilling, 2000:137). Crime prevention has become more focused on personal efforts rather than those of the state to protect us from crime. The individual has to incorporate many of the strategies I have mentioned here to prevent themselves from becoming a victim of crime. In this way, private corporations could be said to have a stronger deterrent effect than the police.
Word Count (excluding heading and footnotes): 2454
HEMIS Number 103983
Criminology and Criminal Justice
