In replacement of the narrow minded ‘class’ explanation for voting behaviour, various theories have since been developed in order to discover other possible explanations, such as that of the instrumental approach. Instrumental voting behaviour concentrates on the short term factors that might influence voting behaviour, rather than that of the long term, for example class loyalty. In accordance to this approach, issues that might affect voting habits may include policy issues, leadership, media coverage, and even techniques used in the election campaigns. Naturally, as short term factors, these points could be used to explain the volatility of voting behaviours, particularly in the rise of the independent ‘floating voter’. Such an approach, might also explain the great swings in popularity of parties and governments as leaders change.
Butler and Stokes (1970), conducted a piece of research on partisan alignment, which is an individual’s strong adherence to a particular party. One of the claims that Butler and Stokes made was that, most voters had a strong partisan self-image, - thinking of themselves as either ‘labour’ or ‘conservative’. The partisan alignment theory of voting was so widely accepted, however it could not explain the existence of deviant voters, - those who do not conform to the general voting pattern. Deviant voters are normally defined as manual workers, who do not vote labour, and non-manual workers who do not vote conservative. As research illustrates that present within society there are ‘deviant’ voters, who do not vote for the party that is generally seen to represent their class – the view that voting behaviour is primarily class based, can be once and for all abolished.
The complex range of suggestions, that many believe strongly relate to present day voting behaviour, include that of economically based factors. Economic policy lies at the heart of British politics; and has for a while now, been regarded as a major issue as concerned to changes in voting patterns and behaviours. When Mrs Thatcher attempted to change the face of the economy, and then unintentionally created a ‘national outcry’ – she lost an astronomical number of votes, and ended up being removed in 1990. – The Conservatives did not only ditch an unpopular prime minister but also indirectly escaped being held responsible for the weakness of the economy. Sanders (1992), argues that the Conservatives won because they convinced enough voters that ‘The modest recovery in their personal economic circumstances that they had recently experienced was more likely to be sustained under a Conservative government than a Labour government.’ (1992). This example, directly shows how members of the public vote in accordance with interests related to the economic system and that it is obviously a hugely important element to consider when studying habits of voting behaviour.
The factor of age, has, in more recent years become one of many important suggestions of which to consider greatly in terms of voting behaviour. There has been recent statistical evidence to show that around 40% of first time voters vote labour, (Crewe, 1992). Moreover, there is also a notion that younger voters are more likely to vote ‘radically’, for example; for the smaller, more ‘revolutionary’ parties, such as the Green party or Socialist Labour party, - however, some would argue that younger, more politically apathetic voters tend to vote (if they vote at all), for the party their parents / friends vote for, or for whoever is already in power. The ideas evident here, further support the fact that rather than simply a persons class accounting for the way in which one chooses to vote, - it can largely depend on their age and position in the world, with family and friends being a possible influence, not that of their born-in-to class.
An additional factor often brought up in relation to voting behaviour is that of gender. In the general elections held between 1979 and 1992, more women, it was recorded voted conservative than for any other parties. It has been suggested that women experience less Pro-Labour exposure – as this can be said to occur in the work place, through such things as trade unions, - and most women, work part-time in non-unionised jobs. Furthermore, as women’s roles are traditionally as ‘the homemakers’, it has been argued that they uphold more traditional views on family and religion – views that also tend to be upheld by the conservative party. Studies of elections since 1979, however, suggest that this difference has virtually disappeared.
In addition, race or ethnicity can be seen as a key issue in voting behaviour, as for example, statistics have shown that Afro-Caribbean and Asian people are more likely to vote labour than they are to vote Conservative; this is likely to be due to their policies, which relate more to their situations. According to Harris ITN poll, 90% of Afro-Caribbean, and 71% of Asians voted labour in 1992. The strong support for Labour, can in actual fact also be explained in class terms – as a disproportionate number of black voters are working class, and most Afro-Caribbean’s and Asian’s say they vote Labour because of the party’s support for the working class. However, the non-manual black voters are also more likely to vote Labour. This suggests that ethnicity is indeed a factor in voting behaviour, - Labour is seen as more sympathetic towards ethnic minorities, while the Conservative party’s traditionally right wing views are often associated with racism; this is in itself highly discouraging ethnic minority groups from voting Conservative.
The most obvious geographical difference in party support is the so-called ‘North-South Divide’. The Labour party has traditionally been stronger in the North of England, Wales and Scotland – rather than in the South and this has become more noticeable in recent years. Three geographers, that being Johnson, Pattie and Allsopp, argue that while class remains any type of factor at all in relation to voting behaviour, there are important regional variations, in the strength of support for different parties from each social class. The Labour party, for example, tends to gain more votes from the middle-class voters in the industrial towns and cities of Scotland, Wales and the North; while the conservatives, have been most successful in attracting working class votes in Southern England. Johnson, Pattie and Allsopp argue that local influences need to be taken into account when explaining voting behaviour, as it should not be assumed that factors such as class have the same influence in all parts of the county.
It could also be argued, particularly in more recent times, that the media can play a sizeable part in influencing voting behaviour. Theories of dealignment and issue voting, argue that voter’s party loyalties are much weaker today than in the past; suggesting that a much higher proportion of the electorate is susceptible to persuasion to change their votes. Voters are likely to be swayed by any bias in the media and by parties that are more successful in using the media to put across their message. For example, one of Labour’s most recent election campaign’s encouraged popular musicians to become involve in supporting the party, under the banner of Labours ‘Cool Britannia’; perhaps in an attempt to encourage younger voters to vote Labour.
It has also been claimed that extensive media coverage of opinion polls can actually influence the results of elections since people may switch their votes because of opinion poll predictions. There is not great evidence to support this theory, however Crewe, suggests an element of tactical voting may have led to the Conservative victory of 1992, and that some Liberal Democrat voters may have switched to the conservatives at the last moment fearing predictions of opinion polls of a labour victory.
In reference to the initial question asked, I believe I have clearly illustrated how voting behaviour is in today’s society not in any way purely class based. When studying voting patterns there an extensive variety of complex factors one should consider, which cover the broad mix of economic, cultural and ethnic issues.
