Both communities have always seen events very differently, and the different views have caused the hostilities. For example conflict is brewing over the concessions not being made and not being made. Unionists feel angry over the changes made over the police and that the demands are excessive, however Sinn Fein feels oppositely and that there have not been enough.
The Easter rising of 1916 and the civil war up to 1922 was and is interpreted in many ways. Nationalist extremists feel that it was a glorious uprising; a righteous deed of the nationalism, and the war was a betrayal of the British government. They feel that the black and tans were evil, causing problems, hurting innocents and feel strong hate for the 1920 burning of cork. They feel that Collins agreement to partition Ireland was a brutal mutilation of glorious Ireland. They feel strongly that not fighting for Ireland is a betrayal to the dead, to the heroes of Padrig Pearce who gave their lives for their country.
To the majority of nationalists the rising was a good thing, but the following war up to 1922 showed that Britain was unwilling to deliver its promises, and betrayed Ireland but partitioning it into two. Both groups feel that the partition was unjust and want Ireland to be wholly outside of the UK. Most nationalists however feel that violence is not necessary, and are horrified by the sort of force used in ‘the liberation of northern Ireland’, but feel equally disgusted by the forces used against them, for example the black and tans and their brutality in putting down the rebellion.
Unionists, generally, however, see the whole thing differently; they see the 1916 rebellion as a betrayal of nationalists to Britain. Often they say that ‘Ulstermen were dying in the Somme for Britain, but Nationalists rebelled. They continually use it as an example of nationalist untrustworthiness. To them the black and tans were just and saved Ireland. It proved that they had no place in a catholic Ireland. They feel that the partition of Ireland was their only option.
The civil right s marches of 1972 and bloody Sunday hold their different views. Nationalists see the marches as the start or reform, after years of suppression and oppression by the government and slow reforms. Nationalists on the whole, see Bloody Sunday as a tragic event, and a betrayal of the British Government. Extremists see it as pre meditated murder of innocents. Both factions draw parallels to the black and tans and the Army. Extreme nationalists see Bloody Sunday as a reason to fight unionism. Nationalists all over Ireland saw the army as a second wave of the black and tans.
The Unionists however see the civil rights marchers as a front for nationalism. Extremists going further to say that they were and attack on Northern Ireland itself. To them the marches were a front of Sinn Fein and the IRA. They take the side of the soldiers on bloody Sunday, claiming that the IRA had planned to use the march as a reason to fire on the army. Hard-line unionists see the civil rights marches as giving in to the catholic demands and that the reformations made were preposterously large. They see it as a defeat.
These deep-rooted opinions of all sides cause conflict, not only between the communities but also with in them. The IRA has often targeted the heads of the SDLP for trying to find a peaceful solution. And Ian Paisley is openly critical of Trimble, by constantly calling for his resignation.
Omagh strengthened Paisleys position. The bomb was months after the Good Friday agreement in 1998, set by the Real IRA in frustration over Sinn Fein signing the agreement. Everyone except extreme unionists was shocked. Paisley simply said it was to be expected, and that the bomb was the price of giving in to the Nationalists. The IRA lost support and caused anger among Unionist militia. Three days afterwards the Real Ira suspended its operations. To non-extremists on both sides this was a step forward, but extreme unionists called this a lie and nationalist extremes called it weakness, resulting in another IRA breakaway group being formed. A viscous circle of attack and counter attack caused a lot of bad blood between the two groups, a feeling that has lingered to today.
The Unionists are forever suspicious of the Nationalists, and will not give in until they have completely stopped in trying to take back Northern Ireland. The Nationalists likewise will not stop until they have Northern Ireland back, by peace or by force. There is no way for the two communities to exist together. Each generation becomes more and more entrenched in their beliefs. When one side attacks, the other retaliates with twice the force, giving way for another attack. Thus a circle of violence occurs, until one side does something so terrible that there is a call for peace. However when the peace comes it is uneasy with extremists ready for war again.
The Enniskillen Bomb in1987 was one such event. It shocked all, extremists and non-extremists, on all sides. The IRA lost its ‘grass root’ support. And surprisingly it was a stimulus to peace because victim Gordon Wilson began a campaign for peace. The war was so terrible that it had caused peace. Firm unionists still feel anger over Enniskillen, but most nationalists feel that they must abandon armed struggle, but whenever a terrorist group gives up its arms, another group breaks away and continues to fight.
Continual cycles of violence cause hate between the communities, Even if the IRA is disarmed, it will arm again, and recent news has proved this. The splintered view the world has of the events drives the communities apart.
