Describe and explain the Unionist reactions to power sharing with the Nationalists in 1974.

c) Describe and explain the Unionist reactions to power sharing with the Nationalists in 1974.

In the 1950’s, the Nationalists attitudes changed because the inhabitants in the north decided to get on together, and joined the north’s government. Then, in 1959, De Valera retired and a new leader replaced him. The new leader was less hostile to the Unionists in the north. In 1963 there was a huge turning point because it now seemed that is was possible for the Catholics and Protestants to work and live together.

Countdown to Troubles: 1963-1972

Violence broke out in Northern Ireland because the new Unionist government promised a fair treatment of the Catholics, but the Catholics became impatient and the civil rights movement started. O’Neill’s talk of a better deal for the Catholics was so slow in prevailing that the Catholics set up a civil rights movement and a closely related ‘Civil Rights Association’ in 1967. Protestant marches then ended in violence between the Catholics and Protestants and the hope of a solution failed along with the hopes of peace. O’Neill resigned in 1969 and British troops were sent to restore the order. Four reforms were also introduced: -

Gerrymandering was stopped
The ‘B Specials’ were abolished
Houses were allocated more fairly
Financial grants were given to new industry

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Gerrymandering was stopped
The ‘B Specials’ were abolished
Houses were allocated more fairly
Financial grants were given to new industry

All four reforms were unsuccessful and so in 1971 Internment was introduced. This allowed suspected terrorists to be imprisoned without trial. However, this also failed to stop the violence. By 1972 the IRA, the Ulster Volunteer force (UVF) and the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) were active on the streets of Northern Ireland. The majority of people did not support the violence and in 1970 and the Social and Democratic Party (SDLP) was founded. By 1972 the Northern Ireland Government was suspended by the British Government and ruled Northern Ireland directly from London. In theory this was a temporary measure, but it was obvious that Britain would never hand Northern Ireland back to exclusive Unionists rule. If any kind of peace were to be restored, it would have to be based on a compromise with the Catholic Nationalists.

The British government’s most pressing concern was to stop the rising wave of IRA violence. In 1972 a ceasefire was arranged and Provisional IRA leaders were flown to London for secret talks. The minimum demand was for a total withdrawal of the British forces by a fixed date, the talks quickly ended. The next month the ceasefire also came to an end.

Power sharing

After Britain had got direct rule over Northern Ireland in 1972, it began to look for a political deal that would bring back a devolved government at Stormont. The solutions was found the following year, in the idea of a power-sharing executive – in other words, despite being the majority, Unionists were made to share places in government with the minority Catholics. The Sunningdale agreement of December 1973 provided for a council of Ireland, with ministers drawn from the north and south of the border.

In 1974, the British tried to set up a Northern Ireland government consisting of both Catholics and Protestants. It was the first experiment in cross-community government in Northern Ireland and was led by Brain Faulkner (who was the leader of the OUP) and his deputy Gerry Fitt (leader of the SDLP). These two men are shown in Fig 1. of the ‘Power Sharing Executive’ in the Personal Research section. The power sharing failed after only 5 months due to the fact that the Unionists opposed it. The Unionists were scared of the power sharing with the Catholics.

When the Sunningdale Agreement was announced on the 9th of December, anti-power-sharing Unionists vowed to destroy it. Although Unionists leaders supported Sunningdale, a large number of Protestants saw the Council of Ireland as a progression to a takeover of Northern Ireland by the Irish Republic – their nightmare. This brought fear into many hearts of the Protestants.

The power-sharing executive took office in January 1974, and was led by Brian Faulkner and Gerry Fitt (his deputy), but within days it was in trouble. Brian Faulkner was forced to resign as a leader of the UUP when the Ulster Unionists Council voted to reject the Agreement on 4 January. He immediately formed a new party but it was a disaster and he now only represented a minority in the majority Unionist community.

Three parties opposed to power-sharing (UUP, DUP and Vanguard) set up an opposition organisation, the United Ulster Unionist Council, to channel their efforts into the wreckage of the Agreement.

The Executive also dealt with more trouble when a Westminster election was called on 7 February. The UUUC won 11 of the 12 Westminster seats and Faulkner’s newly formed party failed to have any of its candidates elected. The remaining seat in Westminster went to Gerry Fitt, the only pro-Sunningdale candidate. He was the SDLP leader and deputy Chief Executive of the power-sharing administration.

The UUC threatened industrial disruption if the new Labour government did not do away with the Executive. On May 14 and industrial strike was held and 14 days later had forced the Executive to resign.

These strikes show the drastic action these people took in order to save themselves from a power-sharing government. The Unionists were very against the Executive.