Explain the degree to which the year’s c1925-1929 were a time of economic and political stability for the Weimar Republic.

The question above, still creates great debate to this very day, so to be able to answer it fully, I will look at both Stabilising and De-stabilising factors which affected the Weimar Republics economy and politics during the period between 1925-1929. During the Period Gustav Stresemann was the foreign minister (appointed in 1923, after being Chancellor until having lost the Reichstags confidence by November 1923), and a good foreign minister was essential in bringing economic stability (and to a certain degree political stability) to the Weimar republic. By being able to revise the Treaty of Versailles (by expelling reparations), Stresemann would be able to reduce the public hatred towards the republic for its acceptance of the Versailles Treaty, this revision would also help the Republic by giving it the chance to become stable, help re-build the country, and bring success and power to Germany.

Stresemanns foreign policy, accepted that Germany was in no position to challenge the allies militarily and revise the treaty of Versailles by force. His strategy was known as fulfilment. This policy entailed negotiation because the lack of military power that Germany had, gaining the confidence of the Western powers and ending Germany’s diplomatic isolation, using Germany’s economic rather than military potential as a means to get Versailles revised, close co-operation with the USA to gain economic aid, satisfying the French demand for security, and to also build links with the USSR which would put slight pressure on the West to improve relations through fear of further German moves towards the USSR. As a result of this strategy Stresemann hoped that the reparations problem would be solved, the 1923 Ruhr and Rhineland occupations would end, military control of Germany would end, and Germany’s eastern borders would be revised. Stresemann negotiated re-organisation of reparations through the Dawes plan, which aided by the use of foreign loans would help Germany re-build its economic strength which would enable it to pay off the reparations more easily. The Dawes plan in1924, and the introduction of the Young Plan (adopted in 1929), all helped Germany in making it solve the reparations problem, and them being able to pay them. The addition of loans also helped Germany; they received more in foreign loans than they actually paid in reparations. The only problem with loans is that they had to be paid back, and when they were due it was bound to hinder the economic stability of Germany.

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The Dawes plan was a vital contribution to the German economic recovery which would result in it stabilising, whilst then the Young plan reduced both the current payments and the total burden, and the rescheduling the payments over a longer time span reduced the likelihood of payment being fully implemented. Stresemanns foreign policy transformed Germany from being a distrusted outcast to being actively involved in European diplomacy, with the help of such pacts as the Lacarno treaty, and becoming a member of the league of Nations, How-ever at the time (and still today) most Germans (especially those on the right), saw him as a failure, because the Locarno Treaty only benefited the French and also that Germany should have had nothing to do with the league of Nations, as they saw them as the enforcer of the Treaty of Versailles. To them Stresemann concessions achieved little because Germany still remained occupied and disarmed, even the Young plan was opposed because it confirmed that Germany still had to pay reparations. Stresemann was only not trusted by the majority on the left, as he was national liberal who liked the idea of a republic.

Although most historians are divided over how successful Stresemann’s policy was in

making gains, most accept that he failed to strengthen significantly the Weimar

regime. There is also considerable evidence, that his policy failed to Rally Germans to

favour the new regime, because the concessions he gained were not sufficiently

dramatic. Although Germanys economic problems were gradually being resolved, and

Hyperinflation had been brought into control with the introduction of the Rentenmark,

the problem still remained that the foreign loans that Germany was receiving to help

build up its economy, and to help stabilise the country would all eventually have to be

paid back, so this was only a short-term solution for economic stability.

Such political difference as shown with Stresemann who was hated by both left and right wing helps highlight the political differences’ and in-stability at the time. However after 1923 politics was starting to become comparatively stable compared to the previous years, there were no attempted coups, from either right or left wing, between 1924-1929, and no major political figures were assassinated. However political violence did not completely disappear, although extremist groups did not gain mass support, they still made an impact on the streets. For example there were frequent fights between the Nazis, with their SA and the KPD with its paramilitary Red fighting league (approx 50 people died but unfortunately many injured). Things were looking promising at this time and politically stability was looking possible, as such action as those taken by such parties as the KPD (Kommunidtische Partei Deutschlands), whom attempted a series of revolts (although failed ones) to over-throw the republic, between 1919-1923, had ceased.

Elections gave some encouraging signs to the supporters of the republic, as the economic situation stabilised in 1924, so Germans switched back to voting for the main democratic parties. These made gains in the 1928 election, but behind this broadly positive pattern, the liberal DDP, which could have formed the basis for representing middle-classes interests within the parliamentary system, lost ground.

The centre party moved to the right in the late 1920s, and some of its leaders, like bruning, began to favour establishing a more authoritarian system (this was a politically de-stabilising factor, as they opposed the Weimar Republic).

In contrast to the previous years where they had had 15 governments from 1919-1930 (11 years), when now they had had 6 governments from 1924-1929 (5 years), which suggests that political changes were becoming less erratic, which would tend to show that things were starting to return to normal, how-ever the likelihood of an increased sense of stability was reduced by the fact that their were 6 Weimar governments between 1924-1929, each one a short lived coalition. The coalitions failed mainly because politicians from different parties should have co-operated in government but many found this difficult, as they often stuck to their political principles.

With all this evidence, I believe that the economy was returning to normal, and was stabilising, how-ever this was with the aid of foreign loans, which meant that this stability was a “forged” one, as the loans would have to be paid back, and either at worst de-stabilise the economy, or severely hinder the progression of Germany. I believe Stresemann made a vital contribution to the progression of Germany during this period, although he did fail in winning people over to the idea of a republic, he did manage to make Germany a recognised power, and transformed it from being a distrusted out-cast to being actively involved in European diplomacy, and by gaining the confidence of Western powers, helped to end Germanys diplomatic isolation.

The so-called “political stability” of 1924-8 only appeared stable in comparison to the turmoil of 1918-23, where there had been a over-whelming number of Weimar governments, and political assassinations and attempted coups were on the increase. Such attempted revolts, seized past 1923, and helped to make the period of 1925-1929 relatively stable. How-ever I believe that deep down in the ranks of Weimar government, it still remained un-stable but was increasing beginning to stabilise, but looked relatively stability, when compared to the very politically un-stable previous years. How-ever we will never know, if the Weimar government was beginning to stabilise, as the Wall Street crash, and the depression helped to end the Weimar Republic.