In what sense did the policies of collectivization and industrialization constitute a second revolution in the Soviet Russia?

4. Industrialization and the proletariat

Following the NEP there was mass unemployment in the cities, therefore, many urban workers happily accepted the new plans and were driven not only by their own benefit in mind but also with the thought of constructing a better socialist society. This was falsified by the reality. There was massive growth in the heavy industries and the USSR managed to become a major industrial power. This came at the expense of consumer industries.  Peasants moved in to the cities in masses and soon life became exceedingly difficult with the need to ration food, shortages of essentials, housing problems and constant decline in standard of living. Internal passports were introduced in December 1932 in order to prevent mass movement of peasants and the high rate of job changes. The new 'proletariat' was unskilled, created damage and needed incentives; On the whole the economy was disorganized.

The role of the party

The control of the party in all areas of life expanded following the five year plans. Through the centralized planning and economics it had a direct influence on people's lives by making the decision on where to invest money. Prices were fixed and rationing was in place. Party influence and control grew greatly in the rural areas after the collectivization plans. Members of the 'communist young' were spying in villages. Party members increased their personal power as well as managers and shock workers.  Stalin's personal power grew with the plans.

3. Evaluation of Sources

Source no.1

This is a poem written in 1933 by Osip Mandelstam, who was arrested after reciting it in public. He later died in a labor camp. It was probably written to be read in front of to a crowd but it is most likely, a genuine account of Mandelstam feelings. Its value as a primary source is that it can give us, as historians, insight into people's feelings and the way they viewed Stalin. What is also interesting in this particular source is the reaction to it and the fact that Mandelstam was arrested on Stalin's command, which adds to the unflattering light that shines on Stalin. However, there are also great limitations to this source: one being that we cannot asses to what extent the poet's feelings were shared by the Russian people, we cannot determine it based in this source alone. Second is the language used. Being very vivid it allows us to understands the spectrum of feelings very intensely, at the same time, seeing that it is a poem it can be exaggerated and blown out of proportion in order to create a bigger impact

Source no.2

The breakneck speed of industrialization

This was a speech given by Stalin in 1931, in an answer to those siding with slowing down the industrialization chase. The speech is greatly designed; leading the reader\ hearer by the hand, directing him to come to Stalin's conclusion- industrialization must be pursued with speed. It is highly valuable to historians for a number of reasons- achieving a sense of Stalin's speech skills and ability to communicate with

 the people. We learn to appreciate his powers of persuasion and understand why he was able to come to power. Also, the speech gives us a good historical over view and we have a sense of the atmosphere within the party. From a literary point of view the use of language is great- talking about the Russian defeats (and carefully not mentioning Germany) in order to bring the people down, but using that to bring them up with the answer to the defeats- rapid industrialization. Talking about the fatherland as means of achieving unity. We can deduce from this that Stalin was very intelligent, highly capable and had knowledge of how to manipulate things to be beneficial to him. For example, not mentioning the Germany defeat and using the defeats as a reason for industrialization. We also have a number of limitations to take into account- this was written as a speech by Stalin. Its aim is to convince, manipulate and capture. Stalin knew that. He has to produce an answer that will be both effective to crush his opponents and persuasive. Due to this we should treat the source very carefully or we might fall into this trap ourselves. Moreover, according to the speech we still cannot be certain if rapid industrialization was the answer for Soviet Russia.

 

4. Analysis

The face of Russia after the five year plans was not the same. During this time a number of processes took place affecting Russian society and causing change. How major was it and how did it affect the Russian people?

A key process following the five year plan was urbanization. The consequences of it could be felt in other areas of life. Major flow of peasants to the city not only led to the expansion of the proletariat and the worsening of living standards, but also, in part, to the introduction of the passport system, designed to monitor and prevent the movement of peasants. In practice this meant that peasants were bound to the collective- they were farming land which was not owned by them but by the state, most of their produce taken away, often leaving them hungry. They could not move elsewhere due to the passport system. This was seen by them, as well as by some modern historians, as the return of serfdom. Peasant resistance grew, leading to reduction of grain production and chaos. As part of resisting cattle collectivization, peasants slaughtered mass amounts of cattle and ate them; this had a major effect on the consumer industries and living standards.

During the five year plan, consumer industry (which) suffered a drastic fall making life impossible for people in the cities, who had few consumer goods and little meat, wool or milk.

The pressure of the economic development was felt by workers who were supposed to devote their time to the plan, but who suffered from horrible conditions. Slave labor was an option the government had reserved itself to use. Heavy punishment was introduced to try and improve work discipline, this created pressure on judges and police who were frightened of appearing too lenient. There was great pressure due to snitches and people lived in fear. Due to this, corruption slowly became an integral part of the Russian economy.

In consequence of these processes, living standards had taken a great fall – rationing of food, large queuing and lack of housing were the part of the Russian people. Although rationing ended in 1936, it took a fair amount of years for the society to heal and the living standards to rise.  

Economically, there was great development of heavy industry, production grew, factories were built and a great leap forward was achieved due to greater sufficiency of existing factories and the ability to direct the money to necessary areas. Along side this there was abolition of capitalist classes, the Kulaks (due to heavy persecution)  and Nepmen (conditions that allowed them to flourish ceased to exist).In the party's eyes this saw the  development of three new classes; the peasantry, the working class and the working intelligentsia, who were said to be the basis for an equal socialist society.

Last but significant effect of the five year plan was the enormous change in the party role. The centralized economic system allowed the government to have control of it; fixing prices and directing money. The collectivization added to its extent in the rural areas and the secrets police was put into use. Party officials had great power causing the creation of hierarchy and inequalities. Supervision was increased and fewer freedoms were allowed. At this time of need, the elite had special shops for its use and great control over the future of people.

5. Conclusion

Revolution is an upheaval with an aim to transform society, a way of life or a ruling class. Based in this, the name 'revolution from above' does suit the five year plans, given that with them, the party sought to make radical change in the Russian society structure and its' economic structure. As policies it can be said that collectivization and industrialization did constitute a second revolution simply because they were radical means to achieving an aim, the aim being a socialist communist country. The goal was always revolutionary; as was the party on the whole, but did the plans succeed? This research would suggest not. The cost in human life and the great decline in all areas of life, override the achievements on the industrial front and the semi-new society structure. Hence, it can be said that the goal was not achieved and a second revolution did not take place in Russia. This is not to say that there is no significance to the five year plans, as they did bring about great change, but they are better thought of as a major point of evolution, especially in relation to the party, which started its descent towards dictatorship and totalitarianism.

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Appendix 1

Source no.1

Mandelstam's poem about Stalin (November 1933)

We live, deaf to the land beneath us,

Ten steps away no one hears our speeches,

But where there's so much as half a conversation

The Kremlin's mountaineer will get his mention.

His fingers are fat as grubs

And the words, final as the lead weights, fall from his lips,

His cockroach whiskers leer

And his boots tops gleam.

Around him a rabble of thin-necked leaders -

Fawning half-men for him to play with.

They whinny, purr or whine

As he prates and points a finger,

One by one forging his laws, to be flung

Like horseshoes at the head, the eye or the groin.

And every killing is a treat

For the broad-chested Ossete.

Mandelstam, m. Hope against Hope, Collins, Harvill, 1971, p.75-6 

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Appendix 2

Source no.2

The breakneck speed of industrialization

It is sometimes asked whether it is not possible to slow down the tempo a bit, to put a check on the movement. No, comrades, it is no possible! The tempo must not be reduced! On the contrary, we mast increase it as much as is within our powers and possibilities. This is dedicated to us by our obligations to the workers and peasants of the U.S.S.R this is dictated to us by our obligations to the working class if the whole world.

To slacken the tempo would mean falling behind. And those who fall behind get beaten. But we do not want to be beaten. No, we refuse to be beaten! One feature of the history of old Russia was the continual beatings she suffered for falling behind, for her backwardness. She was beaten by Mongol Khans. She was beaten by the Turkish beys. She was beaten by the Swedish feudal lords. She was beaten by the Polish and Lithuanian gentry. She was beaten by the British and the French capitalists. She was beaten by the Japanese barons. All beat her-for her backwardness: for the military backwardness, for cultural backwardness, for political backwardness, for industrial backwardness, for agriculture backwardness. She was beaten because to do so was profitable and could be done with impunity. Do you remember the words of the pre-revolutionary poet: "you are poor and abundant, mighty and impotent, Mother Russia" these words of the old poet were well learned by these gentlemen. They beat her saying: "you are abundant," so one can enrich oneself at your expense. They beat her saying: "you are poor and impotent", so one can be beaten and plundered with impunity. Such is the law of the exploiters- to beat the backward and the weak. It is the jungle law of capitalism. You are backward, you are weak- therefore you area wrong; hence, you can be beaten and enslaved. You are mighty- therefore you are right; hence, we must be wary of you.

That is why we must no longer lag behind.

In the past we had no fatherland, nor could we have one. But now that we have over thrown capitalism and power is in the hands if the working class, we have a fatherland, and we will defend its independence. Do you want our socialist fatherland to be beaten and lose its independence? If you do not want this you must put an end to backwardness in the shortest time possible time and develop genuine Bolshevik tempo in building up its socialist system of economy. There is no other way. That is why Lenin said during the October Revolution: "either perish, or over take and outstrip advanced capitalist countries".

We are fifty or a hundred years behind the advanced countries. We must make good this distance in ten years. Either we do it, or they crush us.

Stalin, J. Problems of Leninism, Moscow, 1945, p. 455-6

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Bibliography

1. Conquest Robert, The Harvest of Sorrow- the Soviet collectivization and the terror famine (2002), Pimlico
2. Corin Chris, Fiehn Terry, Communist Russia under Lenin and Stalin (2002), London: John Murray
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