Was the Weimar Republic doomed from the start?

By Richard Ward

The Weimar Republic was set up in 1919, after a chain of events starting at the end of the First World War. As a last ditch attempt to get the upper hand in the war, the German Navy was ordered to sea from the port of Kiel. The Navy mutinied, and took the town of Kiel. This mutiny spread, and all over Germany, workers and soldiers broke ranks and went on strike. This rebellion against the ruling class was somewhat reminiscent of the Russian Revolution of 1917. On the 9 November 1918, Kaiser Wilhelm II abdicated his role as head of state and left Germany for Holland. This was announced by the Chancellor, Prince Max of Baden who also handed power over to the SPD, led by Friedrich Ebert. Ebert became Chancellor and Germany was declared a republic, with freedom of speech and worship. This received a muted response from the German public, who although pleased with the end of the war, were concerned about the effects that the Armistice (and later Treaty of Versailles) would have upon them. The new republic was the first truly democratic government that Germany had ever had. The Kaiser had ruled as a dictator and could do effectively as he pleased. When writing the constitution of the new republic, there was special emphasis placed on the ideal that no-one could have too much power. All Germans over the age of 20 were entitled to vote, and votes were counted by proportional representation. Simply put, if a party gained 30% of the vote, they would get 30% of the seats in the Reichstag. The Chancellor was responsible for the running of the country, but could be overruled in an emergency by the President, who acted as Head of State. For a proposal to be passed, the Chancellor had to get a straight majority in the Reichstag. The first free elections made Ebert President, and the government was a coalition of four parties, the SPD (socialists), the Centre Party (representing the Catholic Church), the DDP (liberal) and the DVP (liberal). The SPD were the party with the greatest number of seats in the Reichstag.

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From the very beginnings of the Weimar republic, it was challenged from both political fronts and economically. On the left, there were Spartacist and Communist uprisings in Berlin and Bavaria, and on the right there were extremists known as the Freikorps who would act as mercenaries and were often employed by Ebert. The Spartacist Rising of 1919 was led by Karl Leibknecht and Rosa Luxemburg. Not dissimilar from Lenin’s Bolsheviks, they wanted Germany ruled by Soviets, or workers’ councils (the aim of Lenin, who took the idea from Karl Marx. Aided by rebel soldiers and sailors, they set up Soviets all over Germany and marched on Berlin. The Spartacists were crushed by the Freikorps and what was left of the army, and Leibknecht and Luxemburg were executed. Although two major Communist leaders had been killed, alongside many others, the ‘Red Front’ continued to spar with the Freikorps. The next major Communist rising was in Bavaria. Still an independent Socialist state, Bavaria was led by Kurt Eisner, an ally of Ebert. When he was murdered in February 1919, the Communists seized the opportunity and declared a Soviet state in Bavaria. Ebert called upon the Freikorps once again, and they needed little encouragement in order to repress the Communists in May 1919. Close to 600 Communists were killed. These Communist uprisings, although unsettling, were far from ground-shaking. The Communists continued to be a strong anti-government force throughout 1920s Germany. The coalition government was also under attack from far-right extremists, who made several attempts to seize power. The Kapp Putsch of 1920 was lead by Dr Wolfgang Kapp who with 5000 Freikorps marched into the streets of Berlin. The government soldiers refused to attack the Freikorps, and for a while, the Weimar republic seemed undone. It was saved only by the workers who called a general strike. Kapp realised that he was in a no-win situation, and fled, only to be hunted down and imprisoned. The 5000 Freikorps were not punished, probably to keep them ‘on-side’ of Ebert, should he need their services. In 1923, Adolf Hitler led the Munich Putsch. Orchestrated by his Nazi Party, they marched into the centre of Munich only to be fired upon by government troops. Hitler was hit and later imprisoned, during which time he wrote ‘Mein Kampf’.

Also in 1923, the industrial heartland of Germany, the Ruhr, was occupied by French troops. Germany had ceased reparation payments in 1922, and the French acted in the manner to which they were entitled. Ebert’s government called upon the workers in the Ruhr to repeat their trick of 1920, by not working and therefore not generating any income. This made the French occupation economically not viable. The problem arose when the government needed to pay for the lost revenue. By printing more money they caused a situation of hyperinflation, which resulted in mass devaluation of the German currency. By November 1923, the exchange rate had increased in the order of billions, and many Germans were either starving or unemployed. Gustav Stresemann, moderated nationalist, ended the economic meltdown by issuing a new currency, the Rentenmark. He also called the strike to an end and this appeasement of the French (in part, at least) resulted in the Munich Putsch. To ease the situation, a financial crisis hit France, which made the already difficult situation in the Ruhr impossible to sustain, so they withdrew.

With the French withdrawn and the attempts to undermine government authority on hold (the Freikorps having diffused into mainstream society), Stresemann (the dominant figure in Weimar politics at this time, chiefly serving as Foreign Minister in the coalition government) had the time and resources to advance Germany’s international relations. The Dawes Plan of 1924 arranged American loans to help with reparations due to the French. Hindenburg, wartime commander of the now much reduced German Army was elected President, and remained in that office until his death in 1934. The five years from 1924 to 1929 were prosperous for the German people. Feuchtwanger describes these years as ‘the golden years’ of the Weimar republic. The Locarno Pact 1925 reiterated Franco-German borders, which went some way towards reconciliation. In 1926, Germany joined the Council of the League of Nations, as recommended by France. The Kellogg-Briand Pact 1928, as signed by Stresemann renounced war. The Young Plan 1929 reduced reparations even further, and the British and French withdrew from the Rhineland.

Stresemann died in October 1929, just before the Wall Street crash. The crash in the American economy ruined the reparation plans and loans. The Great Depression seriously damaged the ability of the German government to rule. At its peak, the effects of the Depression left six million unemployed. The moderate coalition government, led by Chancellor Müller disbanded in 1930 when it could not decide on measures to counter the effects of the Depression. It was the last government to have a majority in the Reichstag during the Weimar republic. Hindenburg appointed the leader of the Centre Party, Brüning, Chancellor. His government lasted only two years, and Brüning was kept in only by Hindenburg’s use of Article 48 of the constitution.

It was in the 1930 election that the Nazi Party made their breakthrough, aided by the promise of national revival. Hitler had, with his charismatic personality and ability to win over crowds, gained a respectable base of support amongst Germans, young and old. Goebbels and Heydrich were prime examples of the young, intelligent, enthusiastic class from which so many leading Nazis were drawn. The strong leadership offered by the Nazis was an attractive option for the flailing Germany, and the Nazis gained six million votes in the 1930 election. Street brawls between the Brownshirts and the Red Front were often occurrences on the streets. In 1931, reparations were dropped but the Depression only deepened, much to the gain of the Nazis. The unpopular Brüning was sacked by Hindenburg, and replaced by Papen, who ruled without a supporting party. He was kept in power by Article 48 alone. In the 1932 election called by Papen, the Nazis more than doubled their vote. With 13.7 million votes, they were by far the majority party in the Reichstag. Although Hindenburg was in favour of the Nazi party and their objectives, he disliked Hitler and the Brownshirts. A second election was held in November 1932. The Nazi vote fell by two million and the party went bankrupt. Hindenburg appointed Schleicher Chancellor, which prompted Papen to join with Hitler and rule together. Hindenburg agreed to this arrangement and Hitler was made Chancellor in January 1933. Hitler coming to power as good as ended the aims of the Weimar republic. Once instated as Chancellor, Hitler was never going to let go of this position of authority. Hitler succeeded in becoming Chancellor in 1933 primarily because of the effects of the Great Depression. Although he came very close to becoming Chancellor in 1932, if he had not been approached by Papen, it is debatable as to whether he would have become Chancellor in the way he did.

The Weimar republic succeeded in bringing Germany social and industrial development and managed the crises with which it was faced in the best ways possible. The introduction of the Rentenmark in 1923 by Stresemann was a prudent move. The Wall Street crash and ensuing Great Depression were two situations for which Germany was not to blame. Moreover, it was these two events that had the most profound effect on the future of Germany. The years from 1924 to 1929 were years of great hope, and had the Great Depression not happened it is arguable as to whether Hitler would have succeeded in gaining power. To argue that Weimar was an unsustainable ideal is somewhat flawed, as for fifteen years it prospered in difficult circumstances. Weimar survived many power-grabbing attempts from both political sides and numerous events that could potentially have been fatal. The recovery from the hyperinflation of 1923 was probably the most resounding success of the republic. Weimar failed only under the strain of worldwide economic collapse, about which they could do very little. The Weimar republic was not doomed from the start, and had the potential to continue to advance and prosper.