It has provided a compromise between the two communities; both take different things from the Belfast Agreement. For Unionists it is seen as a recognition of the union with Britain by the Nationalists e.g. Sinn Fein joining the power sharing executive. They also gained the repealing of Articles two and three in the Irish Constitution, which was an historical step, as it was not mentioned in previous agreements like Sunningdale. So too was the Northern Ireland Act of 1998 for Nationalists. Under the agreement the creation of the North/South Ministerial Council and the British-Irish Council could have been seen as a step further towards an untied Ireland. Both sides benefited from the prisoner releases agreed within the agreement. Though this could be seen as a floor in the agreement, for how long can this shaky compromise last? This problem underpins the whole agreement, if it were to fail in could be responsible for the self-destruction of the agreement and the executive.
Conceivably the most recent success story of the agreement is on decommissioning, and now looks like ‘the total disarmament of all paramilitary organisations’ may now be possible. Shown by IRA statement on decommissioning and David Trimble in talks with the loyalist paramilitaries. Of course the agreement had had earlier successes on this issue, such as the several inspections of IRA arms dumps by the former Finnish President Martti Antisaari and ANS official Cyril Ramaphosa. Yet this issue too has threatened to undermine and destroy the Good Friday Agreement, decommissioning has led to several suspensions by a number of Secretaries of State and the resignation of the first and deputy ministers. Possibly this indicates that the achievements of the Belfast Agreement can be so easily destroyed.
The Agreement has also made headway in the contentious issue of police reform. It led to the setting up of the independent commission and the publication of the Patten report. Though this has as yet to bring any concrete reform of the issue of police reform, it has been successful in bringing about the change in name of the Royal Ulster Constabulary to the Police Service of Northern Ireland (as from the 4th November 2001). Though this issue does not look like the Belfast Agreement can solve it, as Sinn Fein still refuse to sit on the police reform board. This issue again highlights the success of the Agreement in being responsible for laying down foundations for reform in Northern Ireland.
From the 10th April 1998, a process of normalisation has taken place due to the Agreement. Though far from the ‘normal peaceful society’ (set out in the Agreement) but it has seen the reduction of troop levels within the province, and more recently the dismantlement of several British army observation towers in the south of Armagh.
There is no denying that the Good Friday Agreement has been responsible for many advances in bringing about peace to Northern Ireland. Though it should not be seen as a final settlement to the problems, but as Crotty and Schmitt argue ‘a path towards such a consensual order’. It has made possible things like decommissioning and police reform, which even a few years ago would have seemed inconceivable. The Agreement has allowed greater co-operation with Ireland, such as trade, EU programmes, and even food safety, though small maybe these breakthroughs they all encourage a better and more peaceful Northern Ireland. Yet it could be argued that this Agreement as well as attempting to solve the current problems it has created new ones. Such as the Loyalist feud between the UDA and the UVF, growing Unionist disenchantment, and arguments over the implementation of the Patten report on police reform. Perhaps the Belfast Agreements greatest achievement is the international message it sends out amidst these uncertain times. It is probably best summed up by Mark Davenport, a BBC correspondent reporting on the IRA’s decision to decommission:
‘The IRA’s gesture has not only saved the peace process but also shown internationally that we can provide a beacon of hope’.
Bibliography
Clinton, W. J, ‘Why the Good Friday Agreement is Working’, The Belfast Telegraph, 19th October 2000.
Crotty, William & Schmitt E David (eds), Ireland and the Politics of Change, (Longman, London and New York, 1998)
Davenport, Mark, ‘Arms breakthrough puts process back on track’,
<http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/uk/northern_ireland/newsid_1623000/16223761.stm>
Jones, B, Politics UK, (Longman/ Pearson Education, 2001)
McCartney, Alison, ‘The Good Friday Agreement’,
<>
Mitchell, Paul & Wilford Rick (eds), Politics in Northern Ireland, (Westview Press, Boulder, 1999)
Charlotte Lavin
Student Number: L14311011
Tutor: Mr McLaughlin
Title: What has the Belfast Agreement of Good Friday, 10 April 1998, achieved?
William Crotty & David E Schmitt (eds), Ireland and the Politics of Change, (Longman, London and New York, 1998), 191.
Paul Mitchell & Rick Wilford (eds), Politics in Northern Ireland, (Westview Press, Boulder 1999), 286.
Alison McCartney, ‘The Good Friday Agreement’,
</scty34/53/goodfriday/html>.
B Jones, Politics UK, (Longman/Pearson Education, 2001), 643-44.
Paul Mitchell & Rick Wilford (eds), Politics in Northern Ireland, (Westview Press, Boulder, 1999), 296.
Paul Mitchell & Rick Wilford (eds), Politics in Northern Ireland, (Westview Press, Boulder, 1999), 297.
William Crotty & David E Schmitt (eds), Ireland and the Politics of Change, (Longman, London and New York, 1998), 192.
William J Clinton, ‘Why the Good Friday Agreement is Working’, The Belfast Telegraph, 19th October 2000.
Mark Davenport, ‘Arms breakthrough puts process back on track’,
<http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/uk/northern_ireland/newsid_1623000/16223761.stm