Kulaks opposed Communism, however they were the minority among peasants, and were really a propaganda myth created by Stalin to enable him to justify his attacks on the peasants.
Initially, collectivisation was a failure. His request for voluntary collectivisation in 1927 was largely ignored. In 1929, Stalin announced compulsory collectivisation, which was enforced by the army and party officials. In response, peasants burned their crops and barns, and killed their animals. Between 1932-33, there was extreme famine. Stalin blamed the Kulaks and decided to “Liquidate the Kulaks”. Their land was taken and they were shot or sent to labour camps in Siberia. Anyone who resisted collectivisation was simply denounced as a Kulak, irrespective of wealth of beliefs. The Kulak myth simply gave Stalin free reign. However, by 1939, 99% of farmland was collectivised, and production was back up to the levels of 1913. Almost all of the collectives (kolkhoz) were now mechanised, and used fertilisers and other more modern methods of farming. Farming was now completely state run, and peasants obeyed through propaganda inspired enthusiasm or fear.
This was at a severe cost however, between 7 and 10 million peasants were killed, deported or starved. Also, many died in the 1932-33 famine.
Industrialisation was another key aim of Stalin. To industrialise Russia, he put into place two 5-year plans, 1928–33 and 1932–1937. He had four key reasons for this. Firstly, many regions of the USSR were backward. Stalin said that to be backward was to be defeated and enslaved. He feared the West, and wanted to protect himself and Russia. He declared that Russia was fifty years behind the West, and either, “we (Russia) make good the difference in 10 years or they crush us’.
Secondly he followed Lenin’s belief that the USSR should overtake and outstrip the capitalist countries. He believed in ‘Socialism in one country’ –the USSR would become strong enough to survive, then would take over the rest of the world.
A strong economy would also ensure provide a strong power base for Stalin, which would help to ensure his remaining in power. Finally, the 5-year plans were very useful propaganda, both for Communism and for Stalin. If Russia really could catch up within ten years it would provide a huge boost to communism. In order to achieve this, GOSPLAN drew up plans to maximise working output. Targets were set for every industry, each region, each mine and factory, each foreman and even every worker, and foreign experts and engineers were called in. Workers were constantly bombarded with propaganda, posters, slogans and radio broadcasts, urging them to work harder and telling them that they were building for the future. They were also fined if they did not meet their targets. After the First 5-year plan revealed a shortage of workers, new crèches and day-care centres were built so that mothers could work also. There was also a concentration on heavy industry at the expense of consumer goods or good housing. Again, overall it was successful. The USSR was successfully modernised, and there was genuine Communist enthusiasm generated among the young ‘Pioneers’. New purpose built industrial cities were constructed, along with dams for hydro electric power, the Moscow Underground, and education and state benefit was also introduced. However, this was also at an appalling cost. Workers were sacked if late. Slave labour was often utilised, those who made mistakes were sent to labour camps, and there were a huge number of accidents and deaths. Over 100000 workers died building the Belomor Canal. There were few consumer goods, and the housing was poor. On top of this, wages actually fell.
However, Stalin had actually succeeded in turning the USSR into a super power, and in a remarkably short time.
