Bagehot (1867) argued that British society was essentially deferential in its attitudes to the Monarchy, the Peerage and to the trappings of society. He argued that the secret of the constitution was that the real power lay with the Prime Minister and the Cabinet, whilst the monarchy was there to 'mesmerise the masses' into respect for the system as a whole and in turn creating stability. The public was also deferential when they identified the leadership skills with high social status. The people who were running the country tended to come from a wealthy background, had good private education and tended to have graduated from Oxbridge. However it was also true to be said that this respect was also seen elsewhere in the British elites, such as in the legal system, the armed forces and the Higher Civil service.
However, although the post war consensus dominated both main parties till the late '70's, there was mounting pressure during this time. What seemed to be a complacent, deferential public was being eroded in the late 1960's. Deference started to decline and populism began to rise. The strikes made by the Dockers in '72 and the miners in '73/'74 and '84/'85, showed the willingness by some groups to defy the law. Again the inner city riots, poll tax protests in the '90's and also the recent petrol protests showed this willingness to defy.
Criticism of persons in authority, such as the police, was also growing amongst the general public and the behavioural standards among the governing elites was also beginning to be questioned. It has been argued that this is why there has been a decline in the two party system and the willingness to accept a variety of 'third forces'. The Liberal Revival of 1974, the short lived success of the Greens in the '80's and the revival of fascism in local policies in the early '90's all illustrate the rise in anti-partyism. The failure in restoring economic stability in Britain has caused the public to loose confidence within the two main parties.
Loss of pride within our institutions is claimed to also be increasing in society. The 'mishandling' of Princess Diana's death and the constant media coverage of Prince Charles' private life places the Monarchy under constant scrutiny. Also since the late '60's aspects of British life have been increasingly scrutinised, perhaps because of the economic decline. There are also strong criticisms about the judiciary and the police, after the MacPherson report highlighted the inadequacies of the police during the Stephen Lawrence tragedy.
However, although deference was in decline, the old post war consensus was strong till the late 70's. Although it's arguable that from 70-72 this was not the case. Heath tried and failed to tinker with the government's commitment to economic planning and a comprehensive Welfare State in the early '70s and was forced to do a 'U' turn on such policies in '72.
It was the 'Winter of Discontent' which developed some support for the more right wing conviction politics of the Conservatives' new leader, Margaret Thatcher. Thatcherism broke the post war consensus on a number of policies. For example, the governments commitment to full employment, and whenever possible tried to reduce the role of the state. There had also seemed to be an acceptance of private education and health, however during '83 and '87, poll evidence showed considerable public concern about government policies in health and education. Polls in the late '80s and early '90's showed a majority of voters, even Tory voters, prepared to consider tax increases for spending more on these services.
High unemployment figures did affect the public's confidence for a party, which did have a reputation for economic competence and in the '83 and '87 elections, unemployment was a very sore point for the Conservatives. This forced New Right to go against their preferences and to indulge in job creation and training schemes. This is one reason why New Labour has successfully been re-elected because of its economic record.
Economic failure affected government support until their gradual reduction in 1991. Even in the Tory strongholds in the Southern England had the same loss of support, as the rising unemployment hit the south harder than it did the north in the early '80's. The economic competence image of the Tories was lost and played a huge part in the Conservatives' 1997 defeat, as memories of Black Wednesday still hung over the party.
However, it was not only the Thatcher government that broke the post-war consensus because the Labour party also did during the 'Bennite' phase. During the early '80's Labour adopted unilateralism and cost Labour support in both the '83 and '87 elections and hence the policy was dropped by the late '80's.
The Alliances' support in '83 and '87 could be seen as proof that the public rejects any extremism from either a left or right party. Hence, assertions by Blair since October '96 that Labour is now the real centre left party committed to a more modern interpretation of the post war consensus.
In the 1992 election commentators pointed to a definite change of style in the Tory party. Major was seen as more conciliatory, more caring and a greater readiness to listen. There also was a seemingly more collectivist style of Cabinet government and Major was interpreted as being more consensual. For example the abolition of the poll tax. Some policy proposals even seemed to be borrowed from Labour, e.g. transport, and citizens' charters aimed at improving public services. However many Thatcherite policies were still pursued. Some even argue that the Major government was a government of hesitancy, obsessed with PR and media images in an electorally unpopular time warp.
It is now argued that in its desire to look prudent, Labour has accepted a great deal of 'Thatcherist' policies. Labour is more committed to the NHS, constitutional reform and Europe has modified some Tory education policies, but some supporters remain disappointed. Labour may be interpreted as a modernised Butskellism, hence Hague's problems in choosing topics where the Tories appeared different, like Ian Duncan Smith is currently struggling to do.
Post war Britain has experienced a sharp decline in international status and relative economic prosperity. It is arguable that this has led to more criticism of the governing elites and may have sapped their confidence. The public also being more critical of procedures and institutions has resulted in less faith in British politicians. The decline in deference has also made the public more demanding of government and less tolerable of failure. M. Moran suggests that Britain's previous stability during the 1950's was an aberration rather than the norm.