Old and new unionism was traditionally the prerogative of skilled workers as they formed the backbone of this movement. The TUC and the parliamentary committee had a central organisation which could speak for its interests. This along with the trade union acts of 1871 and 1876 appeared to give the unions all that they wanted.
Politically they had gained some recognition during the two reform acts where the first two working class men were elected to parliament in 1874 who sat as lib labs, but tended to vote liberals. However the unions were criticised for refusing to face up to profound change such as technology, demarcation and trade disputes. It was against these attitudes that new unionism reacted particularly between 1889-1893. These new unions were open to all militant, class conscious and socialist. This was exemplified by the Great Docks strike of 1889. This event cannot be put down in its importance; the London docks were a focus point for socialist agitation. A trivial dispute led to a walkout by the workers led by Tom Mann. The strike was successful and gave the strikers virtually all of their demands and gave a fresh impetus to their movement. Between previous Gladstonian politicians and trade unionists it can be said that the socialist revival during the 1880’s did indeed contribute towards the emergence and the need for representation of the working class in parliament. This is supported in Pellings 2nd edition book “the early components of the labour party formed a curious mixture of political idealists and hard headed trade unionists of convinced socialists and loyal but disheartened Gladstonians”
However the rise of the labour party was not as inevitable as some my think. It wasn’t just the emergence of three separate constituents coming together, but there were a number of general factors in the late 19th century which had an important bearing on its formation
Some historians question as to why it took so long as there had been an articulate radical working-class presence in British politics in one form or another since 1815, but when this is taken into account little has been done in terms of working class representation in parliament by the end of the 19th century, by the end of the 19th century neither popular conservatism and popular liberalism could really deliver the goods which was needed to satisfy the working classes. Also neither party’s attempts at social reform seemed to address the issues of importance to the working class, particularly employment and the eight-hour day, this neglectance of the need for social reform, shows that a government political party could use this “untapped” resource of voters to gain a very large proportion of the electorate.
The Great depression of the last quarter of the 19th century included profound social and economic changes. Agriculture was hit severely, meaning lower prices for the working class in general, increasing standards of living for the working class as a whole, despite high unemployment living standards were on the rise. In this sense there seems if the working class conditions were on the up, that there would be no need for any social reforms, but there emerged a body of thought arguing what was needed was change in the entire economic and political system.
The emergence of the labour party would be highly dependable on getting backing from the trade unions, and since most trade unions were not socialist, then the socialist message would need to be watered down, with more emphasis on gradual reform, creating a more socially responsible political and economic system. With the upsurge of trade union activity among formally poorly organised groups of unskilled workers suggests that socialism appealed to these new unions. Socialist leaders within these organisations would have a strong voice at meetings condemning the older trade unions.
New machinery and new technology was undermining the position of many skilled craftsmen, skill didn’t offer the security it once had, putting people out of work and making profit costs increases for business owners. All this contributed to unrest within the country and the need some sort of reform.
In comparison as to whether the emergence of the labour party was a direct result of socialist revival, can be argued from both ways which I have shown. There are numerous factors which lean towards the notion that without the amalgamation of three separate constituent groups, and the new unions backing the formation of the party just wouldn’t have been there, however without the social factors taking place, Gladstone’s over emphasis on Ireland, neglecting social reform and new machinery, then there wouldn’t have been unrest within the country, and there wouldn’t be a need to seek for an alternative government for the working class.
