The revolution in February heightened the expectations of Russian people who wanted to see an immediate change in Russian society. However, that the Provisional Government failed to hold Constituent Assembly elections or initiate any land reform angered the Russians, as they saw the Provisional Government to run Russia in a similar was to the Tsar. Also, the Provisional Government lost support by their dismissal of suggestions to leave the First World War. The reasons for this are that they believed Russia’s repute to be at stake, as well the fact that the entry of the USA into the war gave the Allies a chance of victory. Substantial Allied loans were also an incentive to continue the fighting. Therefore, because the February revolution did not pull Russia out of the war, many people including the Bolsheviks saw this as a failed revolution.
The Provisional Government also faced the challenge of a “Dual Government” system in post-revolution Russia. The challenging governing body was were numerous Russian councils known as the Soviet. The Soviet group represented workers, peasants and soldiers. People saw the Soviets as having more legitimacy than the Provisional Government as the Soviets held control over the army and trade unions. The power of the Soviets was first seen when the Petrograd Soviet issued “Order Number 1”. This order saw the establishment of army committees in every military unit who answered directly to the Soviets rather than the Provisional Government. It has been questioned as to why the Soviet and the Provisional Government did not attempt to eradicate the other group. There was, however, very little tension between the two groups as they had realised the necessity of co-operation with each other. The Soviet approved of government issues such as the continuation of the war in an attempt to prevent a right-wing backlash.
The Provisional Government also had to deal with the problem of breakdown of law and order. This mainly occurred in rural areas by peasants who, to demonstrate their resentment at the lack of reform, attempted and succeeded in seizing estates from wealthy landowners. Also, after the February revolution, the economic crisis in towns greatly worsened. Because of the Soviet, workers realised they ad the right to a better political representation and began making somewhat unrealistic demands of the Provisional Government. As a result of this, fierce clashes between factory committees and employers ensued. The army also saw a breakdown in law and order; the influence of soldier’s committees undermined the leadership system within the armed forces, causing the collapse of authority. By May 1917 divisions had already begun to occur within the Provisional Government. The main reason for the separation was that those on the right wanted social reform while those on the left wanted to see a restoration of law and order. Because of this, the government faced an uphill struggle in maintaining its authority.
The Bolsheviks also seriously threatened the Provisional Government. The general amnesty after the February revolution allowed Bolshevik leaders such as Lenin and Trotsky to return from exile to Russia. On Lenin’s return, he popularised the Bolsheviks with the public through his April Thesis which promised Russians, among other things, that the Bolsheviks would strive to implement an immediate proletariat revolution; put an end tot the “imperialist” war and to give all “all land to the peasants”. After Lenin’s April Thesis and aided by German funds, the Bolsheviks were able to launch an effective poster and newspaper campaign. The Bolshevik programme summed up by slogans such as “Peace, Bread and Land” and “All Power to the Soviets” was popular with the public as the party actively promoted an end to Russian involvement in the First World War. However, by June 1917, the Bolsheviks were still a minority group, having only 105 delegates in the Petrograd Congress of Soviets (compared to the 285 SR delegates and 248 Mensheviks).
During July, Lvov resigned as head of the Provisional Government allowing Kerensky to assume power with an overly left-wing government. Soon after the new leadership within the Provisional Government, riots took place within Petrograd. It soon became obvious that although most of the rioters were not Bolsheviks, many supported their cause. This led Kerensky to hold blame for the riots with the Bolsheviks and published evidence that Lenin was a German spy. As a result of the July Days, many Bolshevik leaders were imprisoned and Lenin was forced to flee to Finland in an attempt to resist arrest. Recent historians have seen Kerensky’s treatment of the July Days as evidence that he was a “devious Politian with limited ability”.
Kerensky’s appointment of General Kornilov as Commander-in-Chief was an attempt to restore the army. Kornilov, however, soon began a policy of tough discipline on those taking part in strikes. The so-called Kornilov Affair resulted in total demoralisation of army leaders. Most army officers also regarded Kerensky as a coward after this and were unlikely to assist Kerensky in future. The Bolsheviks were able to use the Kornilov Affair to their advantage, taking all credit for avoiding any further disruptions. Moreover, the affair had allowed many Bolsheviks to gain weapons.
The October revolution began with Kerensky’s attempt to close all Bolshevik newspapers and arrest leading Bolsheviks. As a result, Trotsky uses his leadership of the MRC to occupy strategic points within Petrograd. There was almost no reaction from those supporting the Provisional Government and it was not until the evening of October 25th that the Winter Palace was attacked. By nightfall, most of Kerensky’s ministers had fled the Palace, leading to the Bolshevik victory. The revolution was, ultimately, a non-violent takeover; few people died, there was little opposition and Trotsky had planned strategic points effectively. When the Congress of Soviets met after the revolution, Lenin, therefore, proclaimed that the Provisional Government had been overthrown. The Bolsheviks held a 60% majority in the congress and Lenin held control of the Council of People’s Commissars. The fact that all Commissars were Bolsheviks led to Menshevik and SR deputies leaving the congress in revulsion.
To conclude, the Provisional Government appeared to be undermined by problems from the start of their period of influence on the 3rd of March 1917. This was because the government lack real legitimacy, it failed to hold Constituent Assembly elections or initiate land reforms. The Provisional Government also was unwilling to pull out of the First World War and competed for power with the Soviet. The government also had problems keeping control of the army, peasants and workers. The Bolsheviks were a major threat to the Provisional Government and were able to use the Kornilov Affair to their advantage. However, it can be argued that the October revolution was to be expected and was not the fault of the Provisional Government, as many of the problems faced by the Provisional government were simply continued from the Tsar’s reign and would have needed to be overcome by any new governmental group.