This is the pragmatic basis of one-nation beliefs, but there was also a moral basis. There is a strong sense of social obligation within paternalistic conservatism - with wealth comes obligations, and the economic inequality in the country leads to an inequality of social responsibilities. This comes from the idea of ‘noblesse oblige’ - under the feudal system landowners were seen as having a paternal responsibility for their peasants.
Disraeli believed in an organic society held together by duty and responsibility, and was responsible for the Second Reform Act which gave the working class the vote and also improved housing conditions and hygiene. This is often seen as a form of Tory welfarism. One nationism reached its peak in the 1950s and 1960s when conservative governments in the UK promoted social welfare, in stark contrast to later, New Right conservative governments such as the Thatcher Government (1979-90). In the 50s one-nation conservatism was seen as a ‘middle way’ between ‘laissez-faire’ liberalism and socialist state planning. Therefore, paternalistic conservatism could be seen as the way of moderation.
Libertarian conservatism is very different. Libertarianism sees liberty as a priority over all other values, and many conservative ideas are libertarian in that they support the greatest possible economic liberty and the least possible regulation of social life. Libertarian conservatism differs from liberalism as it advocates these values alongside a more conservative social philosophy based on authority and duty. This is linked to the ideas of Edmund Burke.
This tradition of conservatism is strongest in the UK and USA, where classic liberal ideas were strongest. Free trade in commercial affairs is seen as desirable, along with a competitive, self-regulating market economy. This is efficient, fair and natural, as it reflects peoples desire for wealth. Even though this system often causes degrading working conditions, according to Burke it would only be worse if the ‘natural course of things’ was to be disturbed. Capitalism can be seen as the new ‘traditional social order’ and so can be defended along with institutions such as the monarchy on the grounds of tradition.
Libertarian conservatives, unlike liberals, believe individual liberty to be less important in terms of social life. A strong state is seen as necessary in order to maintain social order and make people respect authority. Furthermore, the free market can be seen as a mechanism to secure social order. It regulates economic and social activity and can help ensure social discipline - for example market forces could stop workers from striking by threatening unemployment. Therefore, according to libertarian conservatives the free market - along with institutions such as the police and the courts - can guarantee social stability, although other strands of conservatism disagree with this theory.
The liberal new right contrasts completely with one nation principles in that it opposes social welfare, both on economic and moral grounds. The welfare system pushes up taxes and is often inefficient, but also creates a ‘culture of dependency’ by taking away people’s initiative and desire to better themselves. It is also blamed for family break-ups as women do not need to depend on men as breadwinners, and is seen as violating property rights because it involves compulsory redistribution of wealth.
Although up until the 1960s conservative governments both in the UK and elsewhere supported paternalistic, one-nation principles, since the 1970s New Right ideas have become much more prominent, and therefore libertarian ideas within conservatism, particularly in economic terms, are more significant in modern conservatism.
