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However, gender must have some significance with regard to class structure, made evident by the on-going sub-ordination of women in the workplace, in all sectors of work. As made known by Redclift and Sinclair (1991),

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Gender and Class Gender can present problems when the employment aggregate approach is operational in the argument of class definition. Implementers of said approach such as Goldthorpe and Wright are often said to be relatively static in their approach to occupational/class structure. Goldthorpe offers the opinion that class cannot be successfully analysed to conclude any account of class structuring, particularly with regard to gender. However, gender must have some significance with regard to class structure, made evident by the on-going sub-ordination of women in the workplace, in all sectors of work. As made known by Redclift and Sinclair (1991), it is important to note that it is only since World War II that women's value as employees was fully recognized by industry due to the obvious lack of male workers. Despite this fact, women are still the victims of sexual discrimination with regard to employment and promotion within organizational environment. Noon and Blyton (2002) indicates such sexism through the views of men collected in Cockburn's study of print workers (1973). ...read more.


This is due to the fact that despite changing attitudes and recent sex discrimination legislation, occupational segregation still exists. Crompton et al (2000) criticise the fact that occupational class schemes will indefinitely produce different results when male and female populations are analysed. Similarly, they state that even when both genders holding the same occupation are investigated, the two genders will undoubtedly be associated with different 'life chances'. Women have experienced what many call the 'glass ceiling' effect. This analogy is often used to illustrate the condition that prevents women from promotion opportunities and achieving high positions or managerial roles within corporate business. Sexual discrimination such as the views outlined earlier or the matter of maternity has often prevented women from achieving such roles. Marshall et al (1988) found that there are cross-class families within the class structure. It was stated that women usually hold a similar status position in the work arena to their spouses, if not, a lower status. This is proved by the fact it was recorded that half of the men in the service class had spouses of the same social class and the other half were married to spouses in the working class. ...read more.


This emphasises that the sex of an individual is very relevant when assessing what roles an individual is qualified for, be it stereotypical or not. This situation is often instilled from an early age; boys encouraged to play masculine games, such as toy guns and girls to play with feminine toys such as dolls. This leads to the discussion that the work of caring has a distinct gender code. Reagon (1995) illustrates that care work is traditionally thought of as a feminine activity as seen in previous points. Also, care related professions often have flexible working hours, so it is ideal for mothers. Compton et al (2000) believe it is not gendered because care is not an 'essential' component of either masculinity or femininity. Noon and Blyton (2002) state that 17 percent of the female adult population are carers compared to 12 percent of the male adult population. They also view the opinion that women spent more time on care than men, both in and outside the home. Whilst there is a significant percentage for men, this statistic still confirms that the carer related profession is gender-coded, as the female population figures still exceed male. ...read more.

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