The development of Spartan society.
Despite the general modern historical misconception of Sparta as a reflection of an 'ostia' society, Spartan society was 'culturally very much like the average Greek city-state of the day.'1 Indeed, a culmination of factors and aspects were the significant contributors to the development of Spartan society.
Sparta's unique and 'balanced' political structure combining democracy, oligarchy and monarchical elements provided the foundations for political strength and stability. Features of the Spartan government such as the ephorate, the gerousia and ekklesia demonstrated the refined stratification of Spartan politics, while revealing the extent of power each respective authority exercised. The 'militaristic' educational system of the 'agoge' portrayed the development of a 'war-driven' society, whilst implying it as a possible aspect for the perception of an 'ostia' Sparta. The significant economic roles of the helots and the perioikoi reveal the importance of these minor social classes in the functioning of the Spartan economy. The implication arises that such dependence on 'lesser' social classes by the Spartiates, was potentially detrimental in the fear of revolt or uproar. Meanwhile, militarism is portrayed as the sole driving force of Spartan society, and again could be responsible for Sparta's inevitable decline following the Battle of Leuctra 371 BC. Religious aspects such as public sacrificial worship, the close link between Sparta and the Delphic oracle and the importance of proper burial rites furthermore reveal the broad dynamics of Classical Sparta.
The Spartan political stratification and structures are rather diverse and unique, despite Sparta's associated general historical stigma as an 'ostia' society. 'The stability which characterized Sparta...is seen in retrospect to have been political petrification.2 Within the Spartan structure of Government, the primary features of significance were the gerousia, the ekklesia (assembly) and the Ephorate. However, the 'unique balance' of the Spartan structure of government as Plato identifies, is reflected through its combining of democratic, oligarchic and monarchical forms of government to establish 'Eunomia'3. Indeed, this mixture of political ideologies produced 'one of the best-governed states known to the Greeks,'4 and 'great (Spartan) internal strength.'5 Only the Cretans and remote Carthage could rival its well-esteemed governance.6 In essence, the formation of the Spartan structure of government permitted significant political strength and unity within the Spartan society.
The oligarchic gerousia was a council of elders (aged over sixty), consisting of twenty eight elected members (Gerantes) from the 'homoioi.' The gerousia functioned as a method of control over resolutions introduced before the assembly, and heard important criminal cases. Perhaps most significantly to the contributions of the gerousia to Spartan society was its supervision of laws and customs. However, their role was limited within making political decisions, for 'the fact seems to be that the major decisions of Spartan policy were taken in fully assembly (ekklesia), and that the council played a relatively inconspicuous part.'7
The democratic assembly or 'ekklesia' as Plutarch alludes to, was the 'major organ of the Spartan state (for) every full citizen over the age of thirty had the right to its membership.'8 Such allowances possibly broadened the scope and dynamics of political involvement within the Spartiate community. Therefore, the public direction of policies 'independently controls much important business.'9 The ekklesia voted on the laws proposed by the 'gerousia,' elected magistrates for membership to the 'ephorate', passed laws and public policies, and most significantly was responsible for the appointment of military leadership.
In contrast, the politically 'superior' and oligarchic ephorate '(were responsible) for most of what happened in Sparta.'10, and occupied the general powers of civil jurisdiction. Primarily, the annually elected ephorates by the spartiates demonstrated judicial and executive powers within Spartan society. Further, they administered laws, were custodians to the kings and presided over the ekklesia and gerousia. Yet, Aristotle criticises the Ephorate for merely five men elected 'lays them open to bribery... (and) they have far too much license'11 as in Source A. He argues in Source A, 'the power of the ephorate is excessive and dictatorial.' Indeed, the ephorate maintained a significant role in the administration of Spartan politics.
Furthermore, the unique occurrence of 'Dual Kingship' was present within Spartan society. Despite the clear evidence of a monarchical political force, both kings were 'subject to orders and the directions of the Ephorate, in the fear of being liquidated.'12 It was therefore rather detrimental for the kings to maintain favour with the Ephorate. The notion of a 'unique' Xenophon further attests 'when (the ephors) are poor, they were easily and successfully bribed.'13 Perhaps, Xenophon best succinctly summarizes the role of the king within Spartan society, he is a 'priest in the divine sphere and a general in the human one.'14 Spartan political structure is further reflected here as the kings lack their conventional 'complete' power.
The educational system of Sparta was significant and central to the development of the 'paidiskoi' (youths) within Spartan society. However, there remained a prejudiced attitude towards the academic education of women. 'Sparta is the only state which had a strict routine of athletic education for their girls.'15 In essence, the physical training of women was executed to 'give birth to men, (for) children in the embryo would make a strong start in strong bodies and would develop better.'16 It is rather evident that female education was geared toward the continual reproduction and replacement of males within the Spartan ...
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The educational system of Sparta was significant and central to the development of the 'paidiskoi' (youths) within Spartan society. However, there remained a prejudiced attitude towards the academic education of women. 'Sparta is the only state which had a strict routine of athletic education for their girls.'15 In essence, the physical training of women was executed to 'give birth to men, (for) children in the embryo would make a strong start in strong bodies and would develop better.'16 It is rather evident that female education was geared toward the continual reproduction and replacement of males within the Spartan society. The fluent 'agoge' was also seemingly essential to the development of 'parides' (boys aged 7-15) and 'hebontes' (young adults aged 20-29). The traditional harsh Lycurgan and militaristic education was perhaps most beneficial to the prosperity of Sparta, as 'respect and obedience in combination are found to a high degree at Sparta.'17
Education at Sparta predominately embraced the ideology of militarism, as reflected in the emphasis of obedience and compliance imposed upon the students. There was the 'authority and judgement (under the jurisdiction of the 'paidonomus') both to assemble the boys and to punish them severely.'18 The importance of the superior 'paidonomus' is attested by Plutarch, (they) 'kept their eyes on him, responded to his instructions and endured their punishments from him, so that altogether this training served as a practise in learning ready obedience.'19 The importance of the 'paidonomus' is further attested by Xenophon.20 While, the 'padiskoi' (aged 18-19) and the 'hebontes' (aged 20-29) endured the most gruelling 'education' in their pursuit of honour and future glories. Indeed, 'as they grew older they intensified their physical training.'21
Despite the militaristic nature of the Spartan education in establishing the foundations for a powerful society, there remains the lack of attention paid to an academic education. Perhaps this occurrence has aided in fuelling the general historical 'misconception' of an ostia Spartan state. Another problematic implication from the agoge is the notion of pederasty. Pederasty was when 'boys came to be courted by lovers from among the respectable young men, (and) the older men too showed even more interest.'22 The chief reason for the relationship was for a boy to have a 'father, tutor and commander'23 as his mentor. This 'mentor' would be approved if 'out of admiration for a boy's personality a man of the right character himself should seek to befriend him.'24 As a result, the agoge seemingly broke down the family unit as Xenohpon comments, 'it caused each man to be a master of other people's children just as much as his own.'25
The Helots, 'those captured by the Spartan state,'26 and the Perioikoi ('dwellers around'), despite their low standing within the Spartan social stratification, maintained and provided a significant economic contribution to Spartan society. Nor is either social group generally historically perceived as having been more superior in their roles than the other. 'The economic role of the perioikoi and helots have become an important one.'27 Shipley further attests to the notion of the lack of economic superiority portrayed by each respective group, 'their (the perioikoi) contribution to Spartan success was as great as that of the Helots.'28
According to Xenophon, the helots in Lakonia and Messenia were forced to serve as agricultural workers on the 'kleroi' (allotments) and serve the needs of agricultural labour. They also provided significant contributions toward domestic work, in feeding and clothing the Spartiates. However, 'there was no question of the final solution of the helots, because the Spartan economy palpably depended on them.'29 Whitby further comments the helots economic significance inn terms of their contributions to Sparta, 'it was the helot free labour force which permitted the existence of Sparta as a free city.'30 In essence, the Spartan society 'maintained a uniquely profitable system of economic exploitation'31 of the helots. Although some ramifications for this clear manipulation of the helots, were the continuance of the class struggle between the helots and Spartiates, and the constant underlying threat of rebellion suggested by Thucydides.32 Whitby succinctly states, the 'helots were for the Spartan system...its Achilles' heel.'33
In continuity to the economic role of the helots, the industrial and commercial class of the perioikoi provided significant agricultural and economic assistance to Spartan society. 'They possessed raw materials (in particular iron) and the resources for working them, without which the Spartans could not make war.'34 Further, the perioikoi were deemed responsible for the production and distribution of weaponry and arms, for 'it was too dangerous to allow the helots to manufacture the arms,'35 due to the strained social relationship between the Spartiates and the Helots. Indeed, the rather segregated perioikic communities maintained economic diversity and were of rather dependence by the Spartiates, Ridley argues.
Unlike the Spartans they engaged in commerce and manufacture...We hear of them making shoes, 'purple' garments (by which is obviously meant the red or purple cloaks which made up the uniform of the Spartan soldier) and objects of wood and iron.
However, revisionists as Ehrenberg argue, 'the common view that the Perioikoi carried the burden of trade and crafts must...be modified...the perioikoi were 'yeomen' who naturally went in for some local crafts and petty business.'36 Despite, the historical contention surrounding the extent of the economic role of the perioikoi, the helots and perioikoi were significant contributors to Spartan society.
Spartan society's emphatic incorporation of militarism as perhaps 'a way of life,' reveals the significance and importance of such an ideology to the Spartans. A culture of 'war' was possibly manifested into the beliefs of the society, therefore giving the Spartans the 'power to declare war against any country they might choose.'37 Sparta was defeated in 669 BC at the battle of Hysiai by the Argives, but perhaps in response to this humiliation the Spartans developed their militaristic state. This military expansion grew to the stage where, 'no one was allowed to live his own fancy; but the city was a sort of camp, in which every man had his share of provisions and business set out.'38
Although, 'militarism' cannot be seen in a modern context or as an anachronism (i.e. simply for defence). The 'agoge's' doctrine of obedience and discipline, reveals it is clear that the army played a holistically significant role. Indeed, militarism was the Spartiate way of life. At the forefront of this n military-driven society, the role of the kings as commanders of the armies cannot be ignored. Despite this, the 'ekklesia' was responsible in deciding the military future plans of Sparta.39 'When they take the field, the kings are the first to go and last to return.'40 Xenophon furthers comments the kings were the leaders in the field rather than tacticians, for 'provided (when) the enemy appears, when a king is leading, nobody goes in front of him.'41
Primarily, the extensive use of militarism by Spartan society was as a method of foreign and domestic protection. Therefore, Spartan militarism and its army's significance were highly evident within society, to avoid foreign invasions and in the fear of another Messenian revolt by the helots. However, as Whitby suggests, as it was their way of life, Spartan decline was perhaps based on the fact that they had conquered all they could, whilst becoming a declining military force. In essence, as the Spartan army declined, so did society, revealing the significance of the role of the army within Spartan society.
Religion within Spartan society was significant and important to the development and maintenance of the city. Within Sparta there was a fluent indoctrinated obedience and discipline (desidaemonia) towards the respect and glorification of the gods. Yet, there was a clear separation between religious and cult or 'hero' worship. Religious notions such as sacrificial worship, funeral burial rites and the association between the government and religion were evident Spartan society.
Sacrificial worship to the deities such as Artemis, Poseidon, Diocuri, Apollo, Zeus Lakedaimon and Zeus Ovranios was common and reflecting public interests. On the first and seventh days of each respective month, 'each of them is given by the state a perfect victim for sacrifice at the temple of Apollo.'42 Xenophon suggest the public nature of religious sacrifices, he comments that the Spartan state must 'perform all public sacrifices on the city's behalf.'43 Such activities may suggest the common subordination of the individual to the state in Sparta. The implication also arises that religions may have been a method of calling together the Spartan citizens, despite the existence of distinct social stratification.
Within Spartan society, there is evidence of a close association between the kings and religion. 'Religious privilege (bestowed upon by the oracle at Delphi) was one of the most important facets of royal prestige.'44 The importance of the oracle cannot be undermined, for the Great Rhetra (Spartan constitution) was initially ordained by the Delphic oracle. Further, Xenophon reveals the prominent roles of kings within religious sacrificial practices, a 'king by virtue of his divine descent, should reform all public sacrifices on the city's behalf.'45 Perhaps more clear of the king's significance in religion is Aristotle's perspective, 'dealings with the gods are assigned to the kings.'46 Indeed, the king's religious significance as possibly some kind of 'religious leader' is echoed by Parker, for 'what is most conspicuous is Sparta is the old-fashion religious predominance of the kings.'47
The distinct major religious festivals of Spartan society reflect the religious diversity within Spartan society. The 'Garheia', 'of a panhellenic type'48 was a musical and athletic competition marking the return of Heradidae. While, the 'Gymnopaedidae' was a 'typical' Spartan competition testing strength and endurance, and the 'Hyacinthia' reflected the dedications to Apollo in mourning of the dead, whilst celebrating those living.
In contrast, there is limited historical evidence available revealing the religious nature of those social groups exterior to the Spartiates, including the Helots and the perioikoi. 'We hear nothing of shrines or festivals of the helots ... (and) we do not find them participating actively in Spartan festivals.'49 Yet, there is enough valid evidence to suggest a firm connection between the perioikoi implementing their individual and religious aspects. Seemingly, the 'perioikoi had their own shrines, festivals, competitions and oracles, (and) religious evidence supports the view that the perioikoi took their masters as their models, or at least did not rebel from them culturally.'50 Both the helots and perioikoi though paid homage to the body in its spiritual significance, for their proper burials witnessed 'no public business taking place for ten days.'51
Contrasting the strong Spartan deity and divine agendas, were the existence of religious cults. Indeed, this implies the diversity and broadening of Spartan religion. The praises of 'supernatural heroes' such as Heracles and Lycurgus were a continuance of the acknowledgement of Ares and a militaristic Apollo. Parker affirms that 'Spartan gods tended to be armed.'52 In essence, the praises of such militaristic cult images reflect the military-driven nature of Spartan society.
In considering the numerous significant contributions towards the development of Spartan society, it can be argued that Spartan society's progress and maturity was a result of multiple aspects of Spartan life. Sparta's 'balanced' political structure combining democracy, oligarchy and monarchical elements provided the foundations for political strength and stability. Such features of the Spartan government such as the ephorate, the gerousia and ekklesia demonstrated the stratification of Spartan politics. The repressive educational system of the 'agoge' portrayed the development of a 'war-driven' society, and implies this 'obsession' as a possible aspect for the perception of an 'ostia' Sparta. The significant economic roles of the helots and the perioikoi reveal the importance of these minor social classes in the grand functioning of the Spartan economy. The implication that such dependence on 'lesser' social classes by the Spartiates, was potentially detrimental to Spartan society in the fear of revolt. Militarism was portrayed as the sole driving force of Spartan society, and again could be responsible for Sparta's inevitable decline following the Battle of Leuctra 371 BC. Religious aspects such as public sacrificial worship, the close link between Sparta and the Delphic oracle and the importance of proper burial rites furthermore reveal the broad dynamics of Classical Sparta. 'To such aspects, Sparta owed her military prestige, her freedom from tyranny and her influence in the Greek world...(and) elicited favourable comment from Greek political and cultural theorists.53
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2 ibid
3 Herodotus, The Histories (1954) Penguin Classics: Middlesex
4 Whitby, M., Sparta (2002) Edinburgh University Press: Edinburgh
5 Thucydides, The Pelopnnesian War (1954) Penguin Classics: Middlesex
6 Aristotle, The Politics (1984) Penguin Classics: England
7 Andrews, A., The Government of Classical Sparta (1966) Oxford
8 Hooker, J.T., The Ancient Spartans (198) London
9 Aristotle, The Politics (1984) Penguin Classics: England
0Andrews, A., The Government of Classical Sparta (1966) Oxford
1 Aristotle - Source A
2 Herodotus, The Histories (1954) Penguin Classics: Middlesex
3 Xenophon, Constitutional Sparta 10
4 ibid
5 Cartledge, P., (2001) Spartan Reflections (Chap 7. A Spartan Education), Duckworth: London
6 Plutarch, Plutarch on Sparta, Part 2: Agis (translated by Talbert, R.J.A) (1988) Penguin Classics: London
7 Xenophon, Constitutional Sparta 10
8 ibid
9 Plutarch, Plutarch on Sparta (translated by Talbert, R.J.A) (1988) Penguin Classics: London
20 Xenophon, Agesilaus
21 ibid
22 ibid
23 ibid
24 ibid
25 ibid
26 Plutarch, Plutarch on Sparta (translated by Talbert, R.J.A) (1988) Penguin Classics: London
27 ibid
28 Shipley, G., The Other Lakedaimonians: The Polis as an Urban Centre (1997)
29Powell, A. (editor) (1989) Classical Sparta: Techniques Behind Her Success, London
30 Whitby, M., Sparta (2002) Edinburgh University Press: Edinburgh
31 ibid
32 Thucydides, The Pelopnnesian War (1954) Penguin Classics: Middlesex
33 ibid
34 Ridley, R.T., (1974) The Economic Activities of the Perioikoi : Nedlands?: Melbourne
35 ibid
36 Ehrenberg, V., (from Ridley) The Greek State (1960) London
37 Herodotus, The Histories (1954) Penguin Classics: Middlesex
38 Plutarch, Plutarch on Sparta (translated by Talbert, R.J.A) (1988) Penguin Classics: London
39 Thucydides, The Pelopnnesian War (1954) Penguin Classics: Middlesex
40 Herodotus, The Histories (1954) Penguin Classics: Middlesex
41 Xenophon, Agesilaus
42 Herodotus, The Histories (1954) Penguin Classics: Middlesex
43 Xenophon, Constitutional Sparta 10
44 Parker, R., Spartan Religion, Classical Sparta: Techniques behind her Success ed. by A. Powell (1989) London
45 Xenophon, Constitutional Sparta 10
46 Aristotle, The Politics (1984) Penguin Classics: England
47 Parker, R., Spartan Religion, Classical Sparta: Techniques behind her Success ed. by A. Powell (1989) London
48 ibid
49 ibid
50 ibid
51 Herodotus, The Histories (1954) Penguin Classics: Middlesex
52 ibid
53 Cartledge, P., Spartan Reflections (2001) Duckworth: London