Why is the concept of 'occupational culture' important for an understanding of how police officers work?

Law 117 – Paul Feely 030131970

Non-assessed Amjed Zaman

Why is the concept of ‘occupational culture’ important for an understanding of how police officers work?

Interest in police culture has grown in recent years out of a concern that it is seen as one of the main obstacles in the way of police reform. The culture of the police – the values, norms, perspectives and craft rules – which inform their conduct is, of course, neither monolithic, universal nor unchanging.

The concept of police culture in the criminological literature is loosely defined. Manning (1977: 143) refers to the ‘core skills, cognition’s, and affect’ that define ‘good police work’. It includes ‘accepted practices, rules and principles of conduct that are situational applied, and generalized rationales and beliefs’ (Manning 1889:360).

Police culture is not, however, primarily negative. It is seen to be functional to the survival of police officers in an occupation considered to be dangerous, unpredictable, and alienating. The bond of solidarity between officers ‘offers its members reassurance that the other officers will “pull their weight” in police work, that they will defend, back up and assist their colleagues when confronted by external threats and that they will maintain secrecy in the face of external investigations’ (Goldsmith 1990: 33-4). Therefore, the cop culture has developed as a pattern set of understanding which helped to cope with and adjust to pressures and attentions which confront the police.

An understanding of how police officers see the social world and their role in it – ‘cop culture’ – is crucial to an analysis of what they do, and their broad political function. Police officers experience external political pressure for results, more or less so at different times according to particular moral panics or trends in crime statistics. Under the pressure to get results in the form of clear ups, police men may well feel impelled to stretch their powers and violate suspect rights. A central feature of cop culture is a sense of mission. This is a feeling that policing is not just a job but a way of life with a worth while purpose, at least in principle. ‘It’s a sect-it’s like a religion, the police force, (constable cited in Reiner, 1978, p. 247). It overlooks the mundane reality of every day policing which is often boring, messy, petty, trivial and venal.

Undoubtedly many police men see their combat with ‘villains’ as a ritualized game, a fun challenge, ‘winning’ by an arrest by using personal satisfaction rather than any sense of public service (Reiner, 1978, pp.215/16, PSI, 1983, volume. IV pp. 61/6).

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It is also argued that suspicion becomes a big part of the culture of policing. For example, most policemen are well aware that their job has bred in them an attitude of constant suspiciousness which cannot be readily switched off. Such product need to keep a look-out for signs of trouble, potential danger and clues to offences. For instance, a non duty police officer, who has gone to watch a football match may keep a watchful eye on the group of men who have had drinks and becoming ‘rowdy’.

However, stereotyping is inevitable tool of suspiciousness endemic to police work.

In contrast, isolation and solidarity have a strong relationship together. As many police officers report difficulties in mixing with civilians in ordinary social life. These stem from shift-work, erratic hours, difficult in switching off from the tension engendered by the job, aspects of the discipline code, and the hostility or fear that citizens may exhibit to the police. They therefore isolate themselves from the ‘normal’ social world. Although as Peel, Rowen and Mayne claim social isolation is the price to be paid. This has a direct result on the culture of policing as it creates internal solidarity and also the need to be able to rely on colleagues in a tight spot and a proactive armour shielding the force as a whole from public knowledge in fractions.

Policemen have one of the highest divorce rates in the country. There's always a bit of spare round the corner, because of the glamour of the job’ (Reiner, 1978, p. 212).

We must also acknowledge the nature of work the police deal with ranging from burglaries, shop-lifting to horrific road accidents, rape and murder. It would be an assumption that they require that close-knit support from each other.

Seven important groups have been developed and distinguished of the types of people/groups the police may interact with including the following;

1 – Good class villains

2 – Police Property

3 – Rubbish

4 – Challengers

5 – Disarmers

6 – Do-gooders

7 – Politicians

Good Class villains are professional, or at least experienced criminals. Pursuing them is seen as worthwhile, challenging and rewarding indeed the raison d’evtre of the police mans life. Also, Police property – they are low status powerless groups whom the dominant majority see as problematic or distasteful. The majority are prepared to let the police deal with their ‘property’ and turn a blind eye to the manner in which this is done. These would include, vagrants, skid row alcoholics, unemployed, ethnic minorities, gays, prostitutes and radical political organizations. The major problem for the police is not so much maintaining control but not mistaking a member of a high status group as police property. For example, the pot-smoking hippie maybe a university professor.

‘Rubbish’ – are people that make calls on the police which are seen as messy, intractable, unworthy of attention or the compliments own fault (PSI, 1983 volume. IV, pp.64/6). Domestic disputes are a common sort of call regarding as ‘rubbish’ by many police officers with domestic disputes, the husband and wife going ‘hammer and tongs’. Police officers have to separate them, calm them down before they leave. They believe they are not doing a police mans job but a socialists.

‘Challengers’ include doctors, lawyers and to a lesser extent social workers, are in this position. However, ‘Disarmers’ are members of groups who can weaken or neutralize police work (Holdaway, 1981, pp.977/81). They are groups who are hard to deal with either as suspects, victims, witnesses or in service work, socially vulnerable women, children and the elderly as the main disarmers.

Politicians – beset, all these threatening elements, the police become a solidarity group: ‘we’re a tight nit community. We got to stand by each other because were getting it from all angles. We get it from outside the general public, we get it from solicitors, from QC’s, we get it from our bosses. .

Machismo – The police world is one of ‘old-fashioned machismo’, and the contempt exhibited for such sexual deviance as homosexuality and pedophilia is accompanied by routinised ‘sexual boasting and horseplay’, often at the expense of women colleagues (PSI, 1983, vol. IV, pp. 91-7).

Understanding the occupational culture of the police helps in a number of ways. For example, those police officers who are concerned to get from here to tomorrow (or the next hour) safely and with the least fuss and paperwork. This may explain why this may make them reluctant to contemplate innovation, experimentation or research.

Walsh distinguishes ‘street cops’, attracted to police work because it is a secure job; ‘action seekers’, lured by the prospect of exciting work, especially crime-fighting, and ;middle-class mobiles’, attracted by the professional status of policing, and ambitious for career advancement. These styles are not fixed. An unsuccessful ‘mobile’ may eventually become a cynical ;’street cop’.

Some claim that there are four main types of police orientation: the bobby, uniform carrier, new centurion and the professional. The types of police officers affects the occupational culture. For example, the ‘bobby’ is an ordinary ‘copper’ applying the law with discretionary common sense, in a peace-keeping role, whereas the ‘uniform-carrier’, is the completely cynical and disillusioned time-server ‘who’ll never answer the phone if he can help it as it might be a job at the other end!’ The ‘new centurion’ is one who believes in a crusade against crime and disorder and the safety of society. More commonly, the ‘professional’ policeman is ambitious and career-conscious, with an appropriately balanced appreciation of the value of all aspects of policing from crime -fighting to sweeping the station floors, equipping him for the largely public relations function of senior rank (Reiner, 1978, Ch. 12)

In conclusion, I believe that having an understanding of ‘occupational culture’ does help our perception of how the police work. As discussed the police force work long shifts on a twenty-four basis whereas the average civilian would work a Monday to Friday nine while five occupation. This, of course, affects how one relates to others and also how effective one does their job.

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