George Orwell in the Spanish Revolution

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History Assignment

Homage to Catalonia

  1. Explain the difference between Orwell’s perception of the war and the political reality.

   When George Orwell had joined the Republican struggle against the Nationalists, his perception of the war was one of the News Chronicle and New Statesman. He had an over-simplified view of the Spanish Civil War, as if it was a purely military conflict opposing two sides: democratic and Fascist forces (this is highlighted by his carelessness for joining a party for which to fight, he just happened to find himself with the POUM). But it went much farther than that. It was not a simple two-sided conflict with each side following one clear “line” or policy. At least on the Republican side, there still were many different groups, and by “different groups” I mean different parties, with each distinct “lines,” following distinct policies – besides fighting the fascists (and even this is arguable). The reality of the war was that “as a militiaman one was a solider against Franco,” which was always Orwell’s understanding, but “one was also a pawn in an enormous struggle that was being fought out between two political theories.” And by “two political theories,” he is not referring to the over-simplified version of “democracy standing up to fascism” but to different “lines” within the Republican ‘fight fascism-line’. This amounts to say that the parties were, more or less, as much interested in implementing their own party-“lines” as in fighting the Nationalist Front.

  1. Label the political orientations of the party initials, and explain what their ‘line’ was.

   During the Spanish Civil War there were a multitude of parties with different viewpoints or “lines”. The ones Orwell discuses are listed below:

  • The PSUC (Partido Socialista Unificado de Cataluña or Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia): On the political spectrum we would put this party on the Far-Left but Orwell expressed that this party’s viewpoint (and this party is the Communist Party) is anti-revolutionary (the reasons why we shall see later) and should therefore be considered the rightest of leftist parties. The PSUC stresses the importance to win the war before thinking ahead about such things as revolutions.
  • The POUM (Partido Obrero de Unificación Marxista or Workers’ Party of Marxist Unification: this party was, in terms of the spectrum, one of the most radical parties. It is a Marxist communist party that opposes Soviet policies and Stalinism. It stressed the need for an immediate revolution as what the Left was currently fighting for was liberal bourgeoisie, capitalism in other words.
  • The FAI (Federación Anarquista Ibérica or Iberian Anarchist Federation): this is the most leftist party of the Left spectrum, a party composed essentially of anarcho-syndicalists and anarcho-communists. Orwell refers to it sometimes as the CNT-FAI (CNT being the trade union: National Confederation of Labour) because of the close relationship between the two. The Anarchists advocate collectivization of land and industries (giving control to the working class), local committees and trade unions must govern, and they are hostile towards the Church and the bourgeoisie.

  1. What points escaped general notice in the over-simplified view of the civil war being ‘democracy standing up to fascism’?

   Firstly, Francisco Franco was not the Hitler and Mussolini kind of a fascist. As Orwell points out, he did not want to impose fascism so much “as to restore feudalism”. This reactionary aspect of Franco’s ideology did not only get the proletarians to oppose him but also the liberal bourgeoisie: those who would be aligned with most fascist policies. Secondly, and of greater importance, the war was not so much “democracy standing  up to fascism” as it was a proletarian revolution to which “fascism” (but not categorically fascism) was an obstacle.

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   People, especially in other nations, might have believed that the labouring men and women who fought-off Franco’s initial insurgency (and the rest of the war actually) were doing so in the name of preserving the democratic status quo . But it seems implausible that Anarchists and Socialists (the majority of resisters) would risk their lives in the name of bourgeois liberalism. No, as Orwell states, “it was the kind of effort that could probably only be made by people who were fighting with a revolutionary interior.” They were fighting for the hope of something better. Plus land and factories and ...

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