The early days of Muhammad’s prophecy showed success in a political and religious sense. His religious leadership by publicly preaching had gained him roughly 39 followers, many of which were sympathetic friends, or ‘outside of the clan system’. However, there were a percentage of young men ‘from the most influential families of the most influential clans’ This shows that Muhammad was consciously aiming his leadership at both those who had no identity within the system, (i.e. the vulnerable) and importantly, the most influential, for which he could gain respect, however the numbers secured were relatively insignificant at this stage. The fact that even in this early part of his career he was able to attract such people points to a strong ability of intertwining politics and religion in his leadership style. However, the protection that he had against the Meccan’s was from his uncle, and he had depended solely upon him for this. The Tribal solidarity in Mecca, turned slowly into individualism ‘due to the growth of commerce’, and Although Muhammad’s preaching at the time was mainly religious there was criticism of this growth of individualism, and the belief that anything could be achieved by wealth. Muhammad’s political leadership, however developed, was apparent enough for Abu Jahl, in opposition to Muhammad, to boycott the Hashim clan who were protecting Muhammad and his supporters at the time. However, the protection from his uncles clan still held him through this time.
After sending a group of his followers to Ethiopia for refuge, Muhammad’s situation became acute, when his uncle died, and protection from his clan was no longer present. It is from this point onwards that we see the development of both his religious leadership, but to a much greater degree, his political leadership. His efforts to secure sanctuary were shown by his influence to the men that he met from Yathrib. His intentions to find sanctuary in a very different place to Mecca should be noted. Yathrib was ‘one of a number of agriculturally rich oases in the Hijaz’ Yathrib also had a strong Jewish population, with which Muhammad’s religious intentions are held to the fact that Islam could relate to the monotheistic beliefs of the Jewish, and share the intolerance for the Pagan belief shown in Mecca, that there were many Gods. They were taken by the promise of his unique faith, and saw his cause as one ‘in which the people of Yathrib might be united’ His religious leadership was the prime cause of their promise, and afterwards his political leadership shown towards the more representative tribesmen from Yathrib which was key in the negotiation of land, protection and sanctuary from the Pagans. Muhammad’s ‘hijra’ to Yathrib had the significance of becoming the start of the Islamic calendar, and can be thought of as the significant point whereby Muhammad’s leadership lends to expansion and protection in a more political sense, rather than simply converting. ‘Things went well in Medina for the new movement’ and converts were found from nearly every Arab clan, almost all of the clans offering complete support for Islam.
It was at this point that Yathrib can be referred to as Medina ‘city of the prophet’. Muhammad’s writings soon showed a new concern, ‘that of organising a community. From the spiritual emphasis of his of his Mecca revelations he turned to practical, detailed statements about food, drink, marriage, war.’The further proof of a change in stance, to long term development of a people, rather than simply a faith. The consolidation of this community introduced the idea of supremacy, which was largely due to his political aspirations. The second year of Medina resulted in a trivial dispute with the Banu Qaynuqa’, who were expelled from Medina altogether. The fourth year Banu’l-Nadir were forced into exile due to plotting an assassination of Muhammad. However, the fifth year can be seen as a vital turning point in the attitude of Muhammad. Banu Qurayza sided with enemies who sought to besiege medina, and the men were subsequently executed, the women and children enslaved. It was apparent that there now stood ‘a politically autonomous community’
The central theme slowly turned very political, and war was mounted with the prime target being Mecca. The further development of his political leadership is seen at this point and it becomes of the stage that it overshadows his actual ongoing religious leadership of the time. I.e. his religious leadership had been successful enough to have bolstered a big enough following for it to be widely accepted, and for many others to spread the word as well. Muhammad took a more violent turn and plotted the ambush of a caravan full of riches travelling back from Syria to Mecca.The caravan, led by Abu Sufyan, the head of the Umayyah clan, eluded the Muslims by devious routes and forced marches. A force of perhaps 800 men from Mecca wanted to teach Muhammad a lesson and did not withdraw when the Muslims were noticed. The two forces found themselves in a situation, from which neither could withdraw without disgrace. At least 45 Meccan’s died, including Abu Jahl and other leading men, and nearly 70 were taken as prisoners. However, only 14 Muslims were killed. This became the first of many politically led victories for Muhammad. ‘As his fortunes improved, Muhammad achieved military successes in other directions as well’ He had taken over major areas of Jewish claim, and consolidation of power in Hijaz. It was after this that the Arab tribes largely ‘voluntarily submitted to Muhammad’s authority’
It can be clearly seen from comparing the early life of Muhammad to his late life, that in terms of leadership they are greatly different. The statement that Muhammad was equally successful in both Religious and Political Leadership is quite plausible when applied to the pre-hijra period of Muhammad’s life. We see a strong sense of both techniques, and as has been said before, we see Islam firmly developed at this point also. However, when the post-hijra period is observed, we see an exaggerated use of Political leadership, and although there is obviously still the presence of his religious leadership, it is thoroughly overshadowed by attempt to maintain and expand through a political means of revenge over non-conforming powers. It does seem that pre-hijra years show to a greater extent that one sort of leadership cannot survive without the other, and back to Michael Cook, without this ‘remarkable combination of religion and politics’ Islam would have both started and finished in Mecca. It must be acknowledged however, that the Prophet Muhammad’s earliest biographer ‘did not write until a century or so after he died and even his account survives only indirectly’. It is mostly from the Qu’ran that we can compare remaining source material, and this has many obvious limitations. However, based with what we do know the conclusion that Muhammad’s political leadership was far more successful in the late part of his life than before the hijra is a perfectly viable one.
Norman L. Geisler & Abdul Saleeb, Answering Islam: The Crescent in the Light of the Cross, (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1993), p. 82.
Cook, M.A., Muhammad (Oxford, 1983) p. 51
Cook, M.A., Muhammad (Oxford, 1983) p.15
Watt, W.M., Muhammad, Prophet and Statesman (London, 1974) p. 37
Watt, W.M., Muhammad, Prophet and Statesman (London, 1974) p.38
Watt, W.M., Muhammad, Prophet and Statesman (London, 1974) p.49
The pre-Islamic name for Medina
Cook, M.A., Muhammad (Oxford, 1983) p.18
Cook, M.A., Muhammad (Oxford, 1983) p.19
Watt, W.M., Muhammad, Prophet and Statesman (London, 1974) p.83
Roberts, J.M., History of the World (Penguin, London, 1995) p. 318
Cook, M.A., Muhammad (Oxford, 1983) p.55
Cook, M.A., Muhammad (Oxford, 1983) p.22
Cook, M.A., Muhammad (Oxford, 1983) p.22
Roberts, J.M., History of the World (Penguin, London, 1995) p. 314