Partnerships in Development - Plan international

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Partnerships in Development

Fayyaz Ali Abbasi


Executive Summary

Plan International commissioned this report to enhance their understanding of partnerships and alliances in the development context.  Through a better clarification of the definition, diagnosis of current practice, analysis of possible models and discussion of main lessons learnt, the hope is that Plan International will be better equiped to define their future strategy towards partnership.

The paper is divided in four main parts:

Part 1 reviews the literature on partnership and alliances and demonstrates the complexity and interrelated nature of these terms.  It then examines the evolution of partnership discourse in development through a study from business, public and civil society perspectives.  

Part 2 is a comparative study of a selection of major international non-governmental organisations – highlighting definitions of partnership, how added value of partnerships is ascertained along with policy on monitoring, evaluating and the ending of partnerships.  It illustrates that frequently the concept is loosely defined and not used in a systematic way.

Part 3 includes a more detailed analysis of one set of models of partnership approaches exploring their advantages, disadvantages and typical application.  However, it also emphasises that there are many possible models that can be applied to delineate partnership relationships.  

Part 4 discusses the research literature on effective partnership, indicating the best practice in their preparation, construction and management.  It highlights that partnership is a complex and fluid process, vulnerable to outside influences and that INGOs like Plan International should approach partnership as an ongoing process towards an ‘ideal type’.


Contents

 1. WHAT ARE PARTNERSHIPS AND ALLIANCES?        

1.1 Alliances        

1.2 Partnerships        

2. PRACTICE AND MEANING OF PARTNERSHIPS FOR INTERNATIONAL NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANISATIONS        

2.1 Plan International        

2.2 How INGOs Define Partnerships        

2.3 How INGOs Determine Added Value of the Partnerships        

2.5 How Partnerships End        

3. STRENGTHS & WEAKNESS OF DIFFERENT PARTNERSHIP MODELS        

3.1 Partnership Models        

3.2 Working Towards Active Partnerships        

4. EFFECTIVE PARTNERSHIPS        

4.1. Preparing for Partnership        

4.2. Building Partnership        

4.3. Managing Partnership        

4.4. Lessons Learnt        

5.  CONCLUSIONS        

6. REFERENCES        

7. APPENDIX        

7.1 Civil Society and Social Capital        

7.2 Categorising existing partnerships through partner type        

7.3 Catholic Relief Services: Partnership Quality Principles & Standards        


List of Acronyms

CBO                Community-based organisation

CRS                Catholic Relief Services

CSO                Civil society organisations

IDNGO        International development non-governmental organisation

INGO                International non-governmental organisation

PPP                Public-private partnerships

SEEP                 Small enterprise education and promotion

SWOT                Strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, threats

TNC                Trans-national corporation

UN                United Nations


Question 1. What are Partnerships and Alliances?

International development institutions, international non-governmental organisations (INGOs), states and governments, donors and recipients, are increasingly recognising the growing importance of partnerships and alliances as a key mechanism for translating political commitments into action and in achieving sustainable development at the grassroots level.

For this reason it is important to examine the theoretical framework in which partnerships and alliances operate.  Interestingly, the terms ‘alliance’ and ‘partnership’ originate not from international development, but from international relations and business respectively. Hence, it is useful here to examine how these terms are used in the private, public and civil society sectors.

1.1 Alliances         

In international relations literature alliance is frequently used to refer to a formal agreement between two or more states collaborating on national security issues (Holsti et. al, 1982). The most important determinant of these alignments is viewed to be the compatibility of goals, not imbalances of power or threat (Schweller, 1998).  The Oxford English Dictionary also describes alliances as  ‘combinations for a common object …[e]specially between sovereign states’(see Box 1). 

Business sector alliances between firms and organisations are formed to maximize their competitiveness on a particular market, as each party alone lacks resources or competency to achieve the maximum desirable outcome.  Business experts define a four-step process to achieve a strategic alliance (Gulati, 1998):

  • Achieving strategic harmony with the other partners.
  • Selecting the alliance partners.
  • Developing action plans; and,
  • Assessing the alliance performance.

They also identify the potential obstacles to successful alliances, such as: unrealistic expectations regarding alliance synergies, clash of corporate/organisational cultures and lack of interest/commitment by one or more partners.

Normally, the actors involved are seen as equal, uniting their efforts and interests in three types of alliances:

  1. Strategic Alliances: relationships that work together to attain some strategic objective; or as part of the marketing of a product as a stream of value-chain activities where alliances enable each value chain activity to be accomplished with the help of a partner; or inter-firm cooperative arrangements aimed at achieving the strategic objectives of the partners (Hoffman & Shaper, 2001; Gulati, 1998; Kale et. al, 2000; Stafford, 1994; Sankar et. al, 1995).

  1. Transaction cost alliances:  collaborations between firms involving contractual relationships between two or more companies, in which they agree to jointly carry out one or several tasks, or specific projects, which are difficult or too costly to carry out alone. For each participant, one major activity reflects its value chain, and the activity is clearly defined and limited to its objectives (Hoffman & Shaper, 2001; Gulati, 1998; Kale et. al, 2000; Stafford, 1994; Sankar et. al, 1995).

  1. Learning alliances: co-alignments between two or more firms in which the participants hope to learn and acquire from each other the technologies, products, skills and knowledge that are not otherwise available to their competitors (Kogut, 1988; Hammel et. al, 1989; Khanna et. al, 1994; Lane & Lubatkin, 1998).

In the development context alliances are described as a number of organisational structures in which two or more members cooperate based on mutual goals. These are aimed at bolstering the developmental effort by reducing resource duplication, increasing efficiency and doing more with less (Williamson, 1995).


1.2 Partnerships  

The situation is more complex with ‘partnerships’, as the word is used repeatedly to describe inter-organisational relationships that have ‘little, if any, of the characteristics that define partnerships’ (Covey, 2000:2). The many ways that ‘partnerships’ has been interpreted by diverse users makes it a  ‘something nothing’ word, using the expression of Malhotra (cited in Fowler, 2000).

Partnership is generally used to describe inter-organisational relationships based upon contracts, grants, or other forms of joint venture, and encompassing principles such as common vision and commitment, mutual trust, complementarity, flexibility, and joint learning (Covey 2000). Fowler notes the existence of trust, collaboration and a long-term voluntaristic attitude in particular distinguishing partnership from contracting in inter-organisational relationships (Fowler, 1998).

Essentially, partnership can be defined by shared knowledge, joint leveraging of resources, the multiplying effect of joint effort, or the ability to influence the policy and behaviour of other agents/actors involved in a given framework. Often the term is used to imply empowerment, capacity building and sustainability, efficacy and efficiency not only between partners, but emerging from the process itself.

It appears that from the development perspective, partnerships and alliances, although originating from different backgrounds, are two terms intermittently used to complement each other.  In the following sections we will try to highlight different perspectives of actors involved in all kinds of partnerships and summarize common characteristics of relationships called ‘partnership’.


1.2.1 Business Sector Perspectives on Partnership

The term ‘partnerships’, originates from the business sector, where relations are based on contract and for profit, and each partner has joint control over and shares the benefits (Carmen, 1999), but also the expenses and losses of common business.  The actors, collectively composing such a business association are called partners. (see Box 2).

The reasons for partnering among private firms may vary (see Figure 1), but normally these are driven by the profit maximization incentive.  However, the influence of ideas such as social corporate responsibility has led to an increase in the number of business partnerships addressing the development impact of transnational corporations (TNCs) on local conditions in areas they operate.  As a result, the business sector is now recognising a need to foster partnerships with local authorities and NGOs:

“Multinational Corporations are becoming more and more powerful and must therefore be more and more responsible…Our objective is to run profitable business, but we know for sure that sustainable profitability depends on our capacity to deliver services that are fully adapted to local conditions. It also depends on our capacity to work with local partners; both public authorities and NGOs” (Jane-Marie Messier, Chairman and CEO, Vivendi Universal, www.bpdweb.org)

At the same time the major development agencies have come to rely on the private sector’s contribution to the larger developmental framework.  As the United Nations General Secretary Kofi Annan expressed in his inaugural speech while setting up the new millennium development goals (2000, www.bdpweb.org).

“In today's world, the private sector is the dominant engine of growth - the principal creator of value and managerial resources. If the private sector does not deliver economic growth and economic opportunity - equitable and sustainable - around the world, then peace will remain fragile and social justice a distant dream.[...] That is why I call today for a new partnership amongst governments, the private sector and the international community."        

This type of cooperation between the business sector, governments and NGOs is becoming more common.


Business sector partnerships diagram – from attachment
1.2.2 Public Sector Perspectives on Partnership

Private-public partnership increases both the effectiveness (problem-solving capacity) and the legitimacy of international governance in terms of democratic participation and accountability (see Figure 2). Thus partnership, seen from a state perspective, may be taken as a process of institutional decentralisation, with government no longer having a monopoly over engagement in developmental activity. From being principle actors and the engine of development in 1970s, the governments of developing countries became almost an obstacle to development in 1980 as they were seen to be unsuccessful in putting forward necessary policies supporting market economies and growth. Moreover, they were failing to deliver basic public services such as health and education to their population. This affected donor behaviour leading to a more intense relationship with NGOs, prioritising their role over that of the states during 1980s and 1990s. The instrumental framework for this transition was ‘structural adjustment programs’ with their focus on state decentralisation and the privatisation of public services.

By the mid 1990s, however, a rationalising of the role of the state in the developmental arena occurred, placing a new emphasis on institutional reform, transparency and good governance by involving other civil society actors in policy formulation and implementation (Chambers, 1997; Smillie, 1995; Hulme & Edwards 1997).  As a result, public-private partnerships (PPP) came to shape relationships between multiple stakeholders involved in service delivery. Heavily influenced by participation theory, the aim of such partnerships is to provide low-cost or pro-poor services in a manner that engages stakeholders and encourages sustainability.  

Civil society organisations (CSOs) often contribute to PPPs in the form of North-South or NGO-CBO partnerships, which promote the local community’s participation in the project along with private and local government actors. PPPs can also entail NGOs as service-providers, funded by local government and utilising their experience of participatory theory to engage local communities and enhance the sustainability of the project.  They may also represent co-operation between local government and private service-providers with community-based organisations representing consumers (Plummer, 2002).  


Public sector partnerships diagram – from attachment
1.2.3 Civil Society Perspectives on Partnership

The growing number and increasing influence of CSOs initiated changes in the business sector’s perspective on partnerships. It also brought about greater participation by multiple actors in public service delivery.  However, it is important to understand also how development thinking has affected the way in which partnership is understood in the civil society sector.

In the 1970s NGOs from the South began to criticise the international aid system for allowing the development agenda to be set by donors based in the North (Kajese, 1987).  Northern NGOs responded by acknowledging that instead of treating populations in the South as passive ‘recipients’ of aid, they needed to recognise that the responsibility for development in the South should rest with them and civil society organisations based there (Kajese, 1987).  In response, Northern NGOs began to scale down direct operations in the South and instead sought partnership with Southern NGOs in order to set joint agendas for the achievement of common development goals (Drabek, 1987).  New priorities were given to solidarity and a division of labour that reflected relative competencies, particularly the ability of Southern NGOs to access and represent populations in the South.  However, this type of reform did not occur within the official aid system, which continued to implement externally-directed development models (Fowler, 1998).  As a result, there remained a perception in the South of a power imbalance favouring Northern actors in setting the development agenda (Ashman, 2001).  

Partnership re-emerged in the 1980s in association with the ‘participation revolution’ sparked by the research of Robert Chambers.  Concentrating on the micro-level methods of development, Chambers’ work was a response to the arguments made by critics from the South.  He sought to overturn ‘top-down’ approaches of infrastructure development that relied on financial and technical resources, instead emphasising the value of local expertise and skills.  His method was to ‘put the first last’ by encouraging development to be directed and implemented by local communities in the South (Chambers, 1997).  Brett qualifies the way in which development practitioners have taken up this idea of ‘participation’.  He draws a distinction between weak’ participation – ‘consulting and informing’ intended recipients of program plan and design – and ‘strong’ participation involving authentic partnership between donors and recipients (Brett, 2000).  He argues that states and donors involved in the international aid system support participation only in its weakest form.  This is because they regard it as a means to improve program efficiency, either through the contribution of labour and resources by ‘participants’ or because of the assumption that participant input at the design stage will ensure the sustainability of the project (Eyben & Ladbury, 1995).  By contrast, the ethical foundation of many NGOs makes them more amenable to a stronger ‘people first’ approach that advocates partnership with local communities because participatory development is regarded as an end in itself (Lane, 1995). In either case, participation discourse means that practitioners must engage in some form of partnership with local communities to legitimate development processes.

A third development affecting civil society perspectives on partnership has been the predominance of the ‘good governance’ agenda since the World Development Report 1997.   This theory promotes civil society development as a prerequisite to the development of ‘good’ government and argues that the ability of any society to form legitimate civil society organisations is dependent on their “differing endowments of social capital” (World Bank, 1997).  This idea of social capital comes from Robert Putnam’s work that equates high ‘stocks of social capital’ – personal trust, shared norms and an ability to reciprocate – with socio-economic development and the efficacy of public institutions in communities in Northern Italy (Putnam, 1993).  Social capital thus represents the ability of individuals in any society to overcome the transaction costs of collective action (Putnam, 1993).   In this way, the good governance agenda has increased the importance of civil society actors, as has the neo-liberal agenda advanced by economic globalisation.   As a result, states and donors in the international aid system are increasingly encouraging the idea of partnership as a means by which to shift responsibility for development to civil society actors.

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These three developments led to growing numbers of relationships within the development sector, which were (and still are) often called ‘partnerships’ (see Figure 3). As Fowler (2000) argues, currently “[T]he purpose of the ‘partnership’ framework is to address what recent diagnoses of the aid industry conclude are the critical gaps which accounted in the past for the ineffectiveness of aid.  These are identified as:

  • the lack of local ‘ownership’ of policies and programmes, perceived as the key to good  management;
  • inappropriate donor behaviour, including [insufficient] aid co-ordination and ineffectiveness of conditionality as a surveillance and quality ...

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