One factor integral to the development of a feminist consciousness in America is the radical political backdrop marked by a rising New Left and popular ideologies of libertarianism and egalitarianism, further characterised by political protest and anti-authoritarian feeling. As Marwick suggests, women can be seen as acting within this wider ideological and cultural revolution occurring throughout sixties America and into the early 70’s; indeed the presence of many other minority protesters, in particular the civil rights movement which was specific to the U.S., had a profound influence on feminist thought and organisational structure, so much so in fact, that one historian has gone so far as to call the eventual women’s liberation movement the ‘bastard child of the civil rights movement’. Furthermore, as Morgan discusses, writing in 1970, ‘the women’s movement was begun largely…by women who had been active in the civil rights movement, in the anti-war movement, in student movements, and in the Left generally’. Prior to the establishment of organised women’s groups, inspiration, structure and protest experience for women was often provided in other radical groups such as civil rights, or on campus during the student protests which exploded during the mid-sixties. Ultimately, it was a coalition of women’s political experience, and even discrimination, in other protest movements such as civil rights which substantially helped shape the articulation of discontent and formation of protest against their secondary status; for example the discrimination experienced by women in the S.D.S. which one woman states was like, ‘thinking we were involved in the struggle to build a new society…but realising we were playing the same roles in the movement as out of it’, a quote indicative of the sexism which perpetuated America, even within protests against established discrimination, eventually forcing women to form protest organisations of their own.
Simultaneously, the number of females graduating from higher education was continually increasing serving to have prominent effects on the emerging women’s movement; primarily it created a generation of females that were highly educated, in a position to organise themselves politically and, perhaps most importantly, highly influenced and involved with the protest action and leftist politics surrounding them on campus. This fact is especially notable if we look at the propellers of the women’s liberation movement which are predominantly students and academics, an idea reiterated by the statement that ‘every university in which there has been even a modicum of student activity…has a women’s liberation group already functioning on campus’. Thus many female students involved in protests went on to express themselves in the women’s liberation movement, and as Ryan suggests, these educated, politically experienced and inspired young women led the protests for females nationwide. Surrounded by explosive critiques of society, such as those offered by the students and civil rights activists, the traditions which had previously restricted women were being challenged at the core everyday, which as Freeman proposes, led to ‘a new consciousness among women about their “minority” status within society’. Such a climate of discontent and protest, it can be argued, enabled women to articulate their discontent more easily as they drew inspiration and, to a certain extent, support from the movements around them. Indeed, many of the feminist organisations which would subsequently be formed throughout the sixties took both inspiration and framework from civil rights, illustrating directly the influence of other movements on the development of feminist consciousness and its articulation in sixties America, for example the use of consciousness raising groups ‘borrowed’ from the New Left. Thus we see that the theme of protest, and the anti-establishment mentality found across America throughout the 1960’s, was one which strongly helped the position of women. Initially through finding a means of identifying and expressing their dissatisfaction with the female ‘minority’ situation, and then later by forming organisations specifically for women to articulate their common discontent.
The political aspects of sixties feminism, while perhaps more connected to the development rather than the causes of the movement, are still important to note as throughout much of the sixties, indeed until around 1968 or ‘69, the women’s movement was beginning, shaping and developing itself rather than existing as a concrete protest movement from 1960 onwards. Thus the political events women contributed to, and the rights they rallied for are extremely important in assessing how initial, individual feminist thought shaped itself into, as one historian describes, ‘the largest social movement in the history of the United States’ with very political concerns and aims. Ostensibly, women faced a realisation at the beginning of the sixties that in order to gain equality and recognition within a discriminating society, political gains needed to be made and enforced in the public sector. One of the results of this direction is the infamous slogan ‘the personal is political’ which came into effect, as well as a strong ‘political orientation of the American feminist movement’. This route of protest was born out of the realisation that women occupied a subordinate position in society, and mirroring this, a desire for more equal civil rights, such as changes to divorce laws and certain working conditions, such as pay, where the majority of women only earned 40% of their male counterparts. Women’s interest in politics was evident from the beginning of the sixties, for example with the Women’s Strike for Peace in 1961, illustrating the involvement of women in wider international affairs and political issues; their participation was further exemplified by the slogan, ‘women say yes to men who say no’ coined by women active in the anti Vietnam war protests. Campaigns for civil rights in the early 1960’s also served to heighten awareness about female discontent and moves for equality, such as the 1961 Commission on the status of women under Kennedy and the 1964 Criterion of Sex, did help change women’s legal circumstances by making discrimination on the basis of sex illegal. The commission in particular had an important effect on the development of feminism as its 1963 report, American Women, and subsequent committee publications documented just how thoroughly women were denied many rights and opportunities.’. Moreover, such political gains served to further create a ‘climate of expectation’ for changes and reforms putting pressure on the U.S. administration to promote public equality for females. Women increasingly looked to the political sphere to make social gains, exemplified by the extensive campaigning for free childcare and legalised abortion, as seen in figures 1 and 2. In addition, as demands and protests for social reform increased throughout the sixties, social circumstances and personal needs became increasingly reflected in the women’s liberation movement taking the form of political aims, demands and action; we see a ‘politicising’ of the women, and their approach to gaining equality throughout the sixties.
Wider social factors can also be attributed to the rise of feminism in America, which resulted in the organised movement of women’s liberation; perhaps most important is the perceived ‘destruction’ of the traditional family unit, already seen to restrict the activities of women and limit them to the private sphere through the domestic housewife image of the 1950’s. The eradication of traditional ‘norms’ and values along with the emergence of new cultural, social and sexual mores, such as the use of the Pill and establishment of contraceptive clinics throughout the sixties is integral to the roots of American feminism. As Freidan discusses throughout ‘The Feminine Mystique’, and as other writers’ such as Greer and Millet broach, the glorification of the home and family for women, alongside the imposition of society’s values upon them, acted as a restriction upon women’s lives and activities; the dominant housewife image discussed earlier had a huge effect on the limitation of women’s public activities, for example, on their role in certain sectors of the economy, with only 3% of women as lawyers and only 1% as engineers, and the limited female participation in politics and higher education. However, from the early 1960’s onwards, the traditional family unit became much less rigid in structure and influence, allowing many women to expand on the opportunities provided by higher education and entry into the workplace. This was partly due to later ages of marriage especially among the middle classes who were the majority fuelling the birth of women’s liberation. Thus the influence of what many feminists, such as Freeman, Morgan and Friedan, considered a highly restricting institution on women, decreased. Furthermore, birth rates declined meaning that many women were now able to move away from the traditional unit of home and family into work or education. There was a fundamental restructuring of society, and women were actively taking part in a changing economy, public sphere and social structure; evidently, while during the 1950’s women’s lives had been built around the family and the home, new and far reaching economic, social and demographic changes of the Sixties demanded otherwise, instigating a thorough re-modeling of women’s lives and actions.
‘The Feminine Mystique’ makes an interesting study of the domestic female myth, as well as the causes of the rise in feminist thought and action during the Sixties in America, indeed suggested to have been ‘one of the first obituaries of 1950’s domestic ideology’. It has been named by many historians as the definitive literature influencing the women’s movement in America, and as Freeman suggests, ‘the book stimulated many women to question the status quo and some women to suggest to Friedan that an organisation be formed to do something about it’; resulting in the formation of N.O.Wo in 1966, led by Friedan. Its influence in the formation of feminist thought and action is thus evident; moreover, it is specific to the situation of women in America, and is seen as having a profound impact on millions of American women and their individual consciousness, indeed to the extent that ‘[t]his book changed the consciousness of a country’. Freidan employs numerous examples, studies and interviews throughout the text which support her ideas; primarily she opposes the ostensible contentment of women in the domestic sphere of 50’s America, suggesting that creative and intellectual stimulation of women is imperative to their happiness and personal fulfillment. She proposes that the ‘problem with no name’ was widespread across America, created and sustained by the imposition of domestic values upon women, and the media’s contribution to the ‘housewife myth’ which eventually lead to ‘American women trying to conform to the dominant image provided by the media’. Friedan also challenges widely accepted Freudian concepts explaining women’s ‘natural’ position in society and suggests that instead it is society and not biology which imposes such limitations upon women. ‘The Feminine Mystique’ discusses the feeling of satisfaction many women feel who do work, moreover, the widespread feeling of regret many women feel at having not fully used their education, rather, choosing to marry early and become a housewife. Friedan further argues that the experiences of war and economic depression embedded the spirit of home and family into women, a need for consistency and comfort against a bleak landscape, then their situation became stagnant despite the prosperity of the 50’s which led to a ‘pent up hunger for marriage, home and children…which in the prosperity of postwar America, everybody could satisfy.’. Essentially, what is notable is not just the thesis Friedan provides, but how it seemed to act as a revelation to women across America; the sense of frustration with their domesticated lives was, apparently, inherent to American housewives. Friedan’s analysis is pivotal to the growth of American women’s awareness of their stagnant position in society and desire, even inspiration, to change this; it bought to women an accessible text which suggested that there could be more to their lives than the unanswered question, ‘is this it?’. In addition, it released the fact to women across the U.S the knowledge that they were not alone in their unfulfilled role as wives and mothers, and an awareness of the limitations placed on their lives by society, sparking the consciousness of American females. Evidently, ‘The Feminine Mystique’ had a huge impact, becoming a bestseller in America during the sixties, promoting women’s involvement in the workplace and in higher education as a means of ensuring personal happiness and fulfillment.
The vast contradictions between the conservative political landscape of the fifties’ dominant housewife image, and the emergence of at first, feminist thought, and later, a coherent women’s movement, can only be attributed to an immense transformation in circumstances and consciousness of women across America. Various forces and pressures, as examined, contributed to the sudden burst of feminist thought, action and protest. For many historians, such as Freeman, the first wave of feminism had ‘died a premature death’, and thus a resurgence was only a matter of time; indeed, the consciousness and awareness evident in the 1920’s were core to the development of feminism in sixties America. But, over and above this, they were aided, shaped and motivated by a panoply of factors from inspirational literature, to the discrimination many women begun to confront in their everyday lives. The influx of women into the workplace from the early 1960’s onwards underlined their secondary position in society with pay discrimination and the restrictions in certain industries, such as law and medicine to women; in addition, the expanding service sector and consumer economy led to decisions from the U.S. administration to actively encourage employers to take on women whose labour was now seen as vital to the American economy, and influence in the domestic budget was acknowledged. Meanwhile, the increasing number of women taking part in ‘the turbulent campus politics of the 1960’s, provoking protest for an overhaul of what was beginning to be seen as an archaic and repressive society, evident in figure 3, and the presence of many women’s liberation groups in universities across America. Female frustration was also generated by their inability to access state childcare, safe abortions and other personal needs, and it was partly these motivations which led many women to speak out and demand that provisions be made for them. The climate of protest which ruled the sixties was also highly influential, especially the civil rights movement which is something that was specific to America, and as we have seen, was the source of much inspiration to women protesting about their own minority status. Ultimately, the fundamental cause of the second wave of feminism in America was a female awareness of their inferior position in society, and a desire to change it; this consciousness was fuelled by the position of women in a changing economy, a strong climate of protest, women’s involvement in campus protests, destabilisation of the traditional family unit and many other demographic and social factors. These all led to the development of an organised women’s liberation movement, pioneering equality for women, and having profound effects in the coming decades, completely transforming the position and influence of women in America.
An assessment of the internet as an historical tool.
Use of the internet has been an integral part of the research for this project and the information available has proved extremely useful. Accessibility is one of the primary advantages, with a panoply of material, both primary and secondary, easily available from an international arena; the literature and statistics, in terms of quantity, far exceed anything found on a local or physical basis, for example small libraries, although the quality does vary vastly. However, there are only a limited amount of author’s with material on the internet, and while it may be possible to find a variety of information, there are obviously restrictions with regard to detailed research; moreover, that most material available if quite basic, and does need additional reading of complex issues, usually only found in books and journals. Specific to this project though, there were many women’s groups and associations with useful and relevant web pages, for example the Jo Freeman site, which made information obtainable and reliable, as well as often providing links to other feminist sites. Moreover, internet searches could be made specific to individual demands, tailoring research, increasing speed and alleviating unnecessary backlogs of reading; for example, one could search for ‘feminism’ or, for more detail, refine this to ‘Sixties American feminism’, improving the chances of finding useful information. However, there are disadvantages to using the internet, one of the main ones being that there is a lot of ‘junk’ material, as well as links to completely irrelevant sites; furthermore, sites can often be elusive with regard to sources, and thus reliability, key to a historian’s study, is not guaranteed. Many of the sites used in this study were only found through personal recommendation and not searches; thus, although there are many benefits to be found in internet research, it has inevitable limitations. Overall though, the speed, amount and variety of information present on the internet preponderates the minor detriments of research, and indeed, the development of media in this manner has had a terrific impact on the breadth of research and worldwide availability of information; in particular, for the historian, the array of articles, debate sites, and those with posters, statistics, photographs and memoirs are fantastic and provide an opportunity to broaden the horizons of research.
Julia Slay
Word Count: 4120
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