A critical examination of New Labour's Education area based initiative (ABI).

EAZ reflecting Labour Policy? (150)

EAZs 'tended' to reflect national government policy on education (renewal.net, 2002). In his speech on 15th January 1999, Tony Blair, talked about how EAZs were a part of national investment in education: ''EAZs are local partnerships to raise standards. We don't have a national blueprint - what matters is what works. We are keen to see EAZs pioneer new approaches to learning and achievement, for the benefit of their own communities and as an example to others... ....Breaking down barriers is one of our toughest challenges'' (Blair, 1999). In his speech to the Adam Smith Institute, David Blunket too, stressed that 'Government should be there to support and encourage people to help themselves but not to attempt to do everything for them' (Smithers & Woodward, 2001). This opened the door for private sector involvement and interest, but conversely to a certain degree undermined LEAs (Tooley, 1998), as well as creating a climate of uncertainty amongst teachers.

Indeed one NUT (National Union of Teachers) delegate Sue McMahon accused Labour of having a vision of 'a promised land led by private initiatives, business magnates and right wing educationalists' (BBC News, 1998). Mainstream comprehensive schools were viewed as failing (Hatcher, & Leblond, 2001), there was a drive and sense of responsibility instilled in communities 'to eliminate, and never excuse, under-achievement in the most deprived parts of out country.' (DFEE, 1997). All this seems to suggest, that EAZs were not simply intended to reflect Labour Policy, but to positively design and shape it. The problem that this would create, was only too clear:

''There was a complex relationship between spin and substance in which pressures of time played a key role in shaping the policy...As a result, neither the hopes nor the fears of the policy have been realised.' (Power et al., 2003)

3) Critical Analysis of EAZ

Analysing the success and/or failure of EAZs is difficult. Firstly EAZs vary. Secondly, a basis needs to be established of the criteria against which EAZs could be measured. Also there is problem of measuring quality. How does reducing the instances of truancy in one child, compare to say improving self-confidence in another? DfES guidelines9 talk about measuring innovation, and management, whilst Barber (1998) focuses on strategies, including: ''Contribution to improved teaching and learning...Clear strategies for addressing identified problems...Long-term sustainability...capacity to deliver[and]value for money''. To complicate matters further there are also the issues of how well initiative objectives are decentralised to the local level, contractualisation and partnership. 'Decentralisation' not only implies how national policy is integrated into the local, but also how local needs and demands are translated back up the chain into a national context. Contracts formed between central government and local partnerships are also important (contractualisation), EAZs have been deliberatley constructed outside the existing school system, as appose to ZEPs in France (Zones d'Education Prioritaires) (Hatcher &Lelond, 2001).

Finally there is also a problem with the words used to test and measure. For example 'partnerships' in EAZs are central to central government policy, although the exact meaning of the term, still is unclear. Not only can the links be bound by political ambivalence, but they are also characterised by processes of dominance and subordination, as well as inclusion and exclusion. On the one hand partnerships can be seen as bringing together and/or effective community engagement, on the other they can be viewed as an attack on democracy, or the new buzz word for bringing about change. How partnerships are formed within EAZs are especially important, as well as clear frameworks outlining what the partnerships hope to achieve.

In this instance assessment of EAZs draws upon the findings from 19 inspections of individual EAZs conducted by HMI over the period 2000/02, as well as the Annual Reports produced by both OFSTED and the DfES.

Successes and failures in terms of strategy

Disadvantage in education, was tackled by EAZs through a combination of three strategies of (A) unlocking further funding for the inititative, (b) uncovering innovative teaching methods, and (c) mobilising local action (Hatcher, & Leblond, 2001). Her Majesty's Chief Inspector's (HMCI) Annual Report, published by OFSTED in February 2002, described EAZs as 'making reasonable progress' and 'almost four-fifths of the major individual initiatives covered in detail were beginning to offer good value at the time of the inspections.' Forums that tended to spend less on management and administration, and more on activities resulted in delivering more successful programs. Investment in administration appeared futile as not enough measures were in place to evaluate zone programmes. (Sims & Stoney, 2002).

According to OFSTED (2001), monitoring of EAZ activities fluctuated at zone level, and was weak at school level. It was 'most effective where an initiative focused on a small, specified group of pupils, where a baseline is established at the start of the work and where measurement of progress and feedback on the quality of the provision are integral parts of the activity.' Some forum members were unaware of accounting procedures with only 15 of the initial 25 zones, producing final accounts in the financial year prescribed. In some EAZs, full risk assessments were not carried out (NAO, 2001). Some zones had staffing problems in the initial stages of setting up the programme. (NAO, 2001). In terms of the EAZ forms, Powers et al (2003) found little'... no indication of new forms of civic engagement.. The forums were not representative of the local community. Indeed, meeting were generally dominated by officers like many local council education committees tend to be. There was little time for open discussion or the introduction of new issues.' (Power et al, 2003)

Barnsley Education Action Forum, set up a service level agreement with the local authority, thereby making better use of its resources. Blackburn with Darwen Education Action Forum's scheme for purchasing and making payments within the Forum's budget was particularly successful. North Somerset Education Action Forum endured that all Forum members were aware of their roles and responsibilities by involving a consultant to come in and establish a guideline for members. DfES reseach supports the success stories: '[EAZs] have encouraged innovation, providing the impetus and ideas to overcome local barriers to achievement in creative ways. EAZs now need to prioritise and focus their zone programmes, thinking critically about which have directly impacted on the quality of teaching and learning, and hence will lead to sustained school improvement.' (DfES, 2001). A more balanced picture is presented by OFSTED: 'Most of the EAZs in the first round of inspections had a limited initial effect on school improvement. This was die to over-ambitious programmes of activities that did not always focus specifically or radically enough on the challenges faced by schools in their area. The management of zones has subsequently improved,' (OFSTED, 2003).

What is clear is that 'the evidence reviewed indicates that any one policy or initiative tends to be contributory, rather than the sole provider, to developing local educational strategies aimed at meeting local need.' (Sims & Stoney, 2002). Success stories therefore, were those EAZs that were transparent, inclusive, and localised in terms of strategy.

Successes and failures in terms of delivery

Support for successful delivery of EAZ projects, comes largely from the EAZ Annual Report (2001), where EAZs ''...represent a concerted effort to make a sustainable change that will endure beyond a zone's statutory existence, not only in terms of examination results but also in effecting structural and cultural change in and towards education in some of the country's most disadvantaged area.'' (Education Action Zones: Annual Report, 2001). Success has been particularly poignant in relation to primary-level education (see figure 2 below).

The EAZ Annual Report (DfES, 2001) showed that EAZs offered less 'additionality' as pupils progressed from Key Stage 1 to 3, and that at seconday level (Key Stage 3) some zones actually improved less quickly than the national average (DfES, 2001). On the whole, it seems that how successful projects have been depend largely on who's producing the statistics, and that there has been a trend in improvement as new EAZs have been introduced. For the sake of argument this may be viewed as either new initiatives learning from old ones, or in extreme government's attempt to 'gloss over' the effects of EAZs in respect of the coming election. For example according to a pupil participating in Kingston Upon Hull EAZ, "The whole EAZ experience has been a fun time. All Year 6 pupils in the zone went to the Dome as a learning day out...I think the EAZ is a brilliant way to boost educational standards and help all the children get a brighter future for themselves."10. This view has been echoed by the Government's National Strategy Action Plan (A New Commitment to Neighbourhood Renewal: National Strategy Action Plan, 2001), and DfES.11 Here even, there appears to be a difference in achieving and feeling or seeing to achieve. According to the Times Newspaper (2003) 'It has had an effect but it's not on attainment. It's mainly been on changing attitudes of disadvantaged kids, basically making them feel better about underachieving at school'

New EAZs in general though, have started making better uses of resources too them (OFSTED, 2003). The OFSTED (2003) report highlights, how new initiatives split between those extremely successful, and 'failing' ones. Successful projects have strong partnerships (although some of these were in place before the EAZ was introduced), 'dissemination of good practice' with 'clear and detailed' planning and targets that are 'relevant and attainable'. Successful projects also are those that 'promote inclusion', and focus on raising attainment.

In terms of EAZ management, EAZ benefited greatly from business involvement too(Sims & Stoney, 2002). There was a problem of decision making with some forums being too large, and underrepresented in terms of headteachers. OFSTED (2001) found that 'the lack of knowledge about which activities are having an impact has made it hard for the zone to know what to disseminate'. Similarly though Power et al's (2003) found that curriculum innovation was central to improved educational levels, though IT equipment was introduced, it was often taught in exactly the same way as before.

In summary it seems that 'despite some innovative activities, strong working relationships and improved management, EAZ programmes have had only partial and mixed success' (OFSTED, 2003, p.17). Innovation has lacked, but partnership and private sector involvement has improved. Whether this is a positive influence, reflects largely in whether the EAZ results are aimed at targeting 'grass-root' educational issues, or simply 'patching over' effects.

Tackling educational issues?

A key question to assess is whether EAZ initiatives act as catalysts for regeneration practice, or whether the developments would have taken place, without the initiatives anyway. OFSTED inspections of EAZ schools did try to asses EAZs to a comparative group of mainstream, maintained non-zone school. However as many have received Excellence in Cities (EiC) or School facing Challenging Circumstances (SfCC) funding, it has been acknowledged that it is extremely difficult to assess this impact.

It seems EAZs as a way of driving up standards through innovation, had a 'limited overall and inconsistent' effect on results in national tests. Though zones did demonstrate some innovation and positive shifts in parent's perceptions of education, these were not matched by consistent improvements in pupil performance or lasting changes in classroom practice.

'Initiatives can take time to embed - but many of those working in the zones felt the pressure of having to meet narrow, short-term exam, exclusion and truancy targets made it that much harder to be innovative in ways that could challenge educational disadvantage.' (Power et al. 2003).

One place to investigate the attempt to tackle educational issues, could be to look at EAZ forums, issues that were discussed, and how many were involved. Rikowski et al. (2000) reported that Action Forums did not instigate key policy-decisions. ' There was also a feeling that 'educational' discussions did not take place on the Forum as they should, indeed some representatives of non-education agencies felt that education professionals on the Forum excluded or prevented discussion of certain issues they wished to discuss.' (Rikowski et al, 2000, p.127). Bhattacharyya et al., (2003) highlight the lack of data specifically related to ethnic minority involvement. Indeed there is not much data at hand to see how many, if all parents of children got involved:

'It is...rather worrying to discover in the EAZ bid documentation that EAZ families are regarded as fundamentally non-educogenic. Discussions of problematic families tend to focus on rather stereotypically on single parents and benefit dependency, lack of parenting skills, and inadequate care and concern among paretns for their children's education.' (Gamarnikow & Green, 1999, p.13-14)

But what about education in terms of schooling and employment? Understanding this, can help explain declines, as simply societal trends or failure overall by government and others to successfully address educational issues. Data shows that after increasing throughout the 1990s, the total number of nursery and primary school pupils peaked in 1998 and the fall since then is projected to continue. By 2005, the total will have reverted back to about its 1993 level. Thus a need for education remains, as does the problem of capacitating pupils12 There still remains the problem of unemployment too, with more and more adults lacking the required transferable skills and competitive advantage in relation to others. This divide is worryingly increasing amongst ethnic minority communities in the UK.13

As Power et al. (2003) summarises in relation to EAZs and Labour's ambition in terms of tackling education: 'There is a sense that the need to construct an image of a can-do government over-rode a more cautious approach to implementation.' (Power et al, 2003), So what it take to make people feel better about education? A recent survey by the DfES (2002) highlighted that challenges the government face, include 'improved standards', 'increased funding', and better 'discipline' and/or 'authority'!14

4) The implications of EAZ initiatives for urban regeneration practice

So what does this all mean for urban regeneration practice in general? David Hopkins, Director of Standards and Effectiveness Unit believes that EAZs have a role to play in terms of informing policy (DfES, 2001). A number of important points have come out of this analysis and have been listed below, in no order of importance:

* Firstly no single initiative in isolation can achieve long-term change. Wagg (2003) argues that education policies by government have 'polarised schools', starting and closing initiatives as and when it suits them. Areas such as Hackney, argues Wagg (2003) need long-term investment, complete replacement of the Sats scheme, and better monitoring from an agency other than OFSTED.

* Also what is important to notice, is that EAZs do not stand solely on their own. Some have been aligned with other initiatives (such as Health Action Zones) when tackling issues such as social deprivation (NAO, 2001).

* The eventual plan to intigrate EAZs into the Excellence in Cities programme has also been criticised as complicating matters further (Smithers, 2003). Therefore whether it is better to introduce a new initiative where others have been unsuccessful is a key issue for any future policy.

* It's all about how resources, information, and accountability is linked and integrated. Indeed in the 'Summary of the Skills Strategy' (DfES, 2003) the government talks about learning from the EAZ initiatives, and how '..Government must lead by example, showing that we and our delivery agencies can work more effectively together at national, regional and local level in providing coherent services for skills, business support and the labour market. (p.15).

* Regional Development Agencies are recognised at the key drivers of economic regeneration, that will tackle and support knowledge and skills issues, therefore will need to be involved in future initiatives, although how this will work remains undecided.

* Another lesson to be learnt perhaps, is that commitment to initiatives is the key. So far over £800m has been invested in EAZ and EiC schemes, and this figure is set to rise15. It is important that such investment is not scrapped as and when governments change, and maybe their priorities

* Partnerships are vital. Successful EAZs worked in areas that had established strong and transparent links, where it was clear, who was to be involved, and what the outcome of the partnership was perceived as. 'EAZs have helped to develop co-operation and the sharing of good ideas between schools. There have been some very productive links with the business community. Their effect has been stronger in tackling disaffection and promoting inclusion than in raising standards of achievement, especially in secondary schools.' (OFSTED, 2003)

* What is clear is that problems are not defined by territory, or by a particular group. When dealing with ABI's need to be clear of whether the initiative is focusing on one theme or one geographical area

* Poverty is not an excuse. "The government has often said that poverty is not an excuse for educational failure. This report shows that it is not an excuse but it certainly is a major obstacle to improvement...The problems of social disadvantage cannot be removed over night by gimmicks and targets."16

* Better co-operation between central and local government, as well as agencies set up to tackle similar issues such as LEAs, and Schools. Central government policy (e.g. Education Development Plans) should follow in parallel with local initiatives.17

* The government were prepared to pay large sums of money for very specific initiative with in some cases little experience - a wise choice to make?

* There are problems in attracting business investment.

* Consultation is always helpful when starting up initiatives, but the role that it will play in shaping policy needs to be clarified, particularly if forums are to established, where members may be unclear about their roles and responsibilities.

* ABI's as a tool for future policy. There does appear to be evidence the central government in part at least responded to lessons learnt from the first round of EAZ funding, and implement this is national policy. For example the NAO (2001), identified how problems with drawing up financial plans, were incorporated into the next round of funding (e.g. shifting focus to preparing action plans and producing 'financial controls'). Also help from the Charity Commission as well as Technology Colleges Trust was integrated into giving advice on fundraising, and helping to identify the roles and responsibilities of forum members.

4) Conclusion

When the Prime Minister came to office, the importance of education was recognised: ''The best way for Governments to provide job security is through education'' (Blair, 1998). The way in which educational issues were to be tackled, with the introduction of EAZs had also been made clear: ''There will also be up to 50 small Education Action Zones by September 2000...We have the strategy and funding in place. Significant progress has been made in turning this into specific and worthwhile policies. The challenge now is to deliver on the ground. '' (Blair, 1998). And to a certain degree this challenge was met.

Zones worked best where an agreed joint policy between schools and the EAZ had been established, where expertise was on hand, where the local community was involved, and where there was specific targeting of vulnerable groups.

Zones were not always managed properly though, some zones had far too many initiatives (Health Action Zones, replicating the work of Education Action Zones etc), they were not monitored or evaluated properly, zones lacked profile, and there clearly was no leadership.

Only the tip of the issues facing the educational system were addressed in this essay, with these becoming more complex and individualistic as the impact of the initiative is compared locally. Two final points are worth mentioning. Firstly the rate of change and/or improvement in regeneration depends on time. Though the EAZs had limited success, this may be because they have not been established long enough for there impact to be fully appreciated. Just as any 'damage done' will also take time to become evident. And finally the story should not be simply about assessing an initiative measuring its outputs and collecting the statistics. It is always useful to remember that though talking of 'national change' and 'national targets', measuring real difference will really depend if local people, neighbours, friends, etc., actually 'feel' that there are better educational opportunities out there for them...they actually feel educated.

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It is recognised that Scotland and Wales may have other specific education initiatives in place, which is why the focus here is specifically related to England.

2 It is also recognised that Statistics do not always represent actual figures. For the purpose of this report, all statistics are assumed to be reflective of the measures they are recording, however figures seem to contradict each other this will be duly noted.

3 EAZs were established under the School Standards and Framework Act 1998

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Musmirah Fatima-Shahzada

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