Assess the social reforms of Disraeli's Second Ministry, 1874-80.
Assess the social reforms of Disraeli’s Second Ministry, 1874-80.
In the 1874 election, which Disraeli won, his theme was essentially negative. He had promised “a respite from the incessant and harassing legislation”. Many historians have argued that Disraeli’s efforts towards his domestic policy were merely, “general commitments”. This essay will argue this statement, untangling aspects of social reforms in Disraeli’s second Ministry and assessing whether they were dynamic or flaccid. After Disraeli’s paradoxical speech at Crystal Palace it seemed there would in fact be reform in his second ministry, he proclaimed he would use his power “to elevate the physical as well as the moral condition of the people”. Having said this, with a reduced cabinet of twelve ministers and no clear plan when writing to the Queen outlining his future proposals, Disraeli gave the impression of older style Tory rule; lack of reform. Cross stated “From all his speeches, I had quite expected his head to be full of legislative schemes but such did not prove to be the case.”
One of the most famous Acts of the period was the Artisans Dwelling’s Act of 1875. This was “our chief measure” according to Disraeli. It gave authorities the power to purchase slum housing inner city and replace it with better housing. This was a big step in the right direction in repairing England’s slum conditions. Although Disraeli used his influence in the Commons to push this Act through Parliament it was Cross who piloted the scheme. Also in 1875 the Sale of Food and Drink Act prevented producers from using harmful substances when preparing their foodstuffs. For example, it was common for publicans to add salt to beer making customers more thirsty. Again this is a step in the right direction for the Tories but it was down to the work of the President of the Board of Local Government, George Sclater Booth, not Disraeli. In the same year the Public Health Act was a codifying piece of legislation that brought existing laws together in an attempt to clean up British society in general. Lasting till the 1920s, this Act was well founded but sadly unoriginal and was waiting to be passed. The Factory Act of 1874 proved beneficial for women and children but was sadly disappointing in regard to male workers. It limited the week to 56.5 hours and reduced the maximum working day to ten hours. Developed again by Cross, Disraeli had no part in the Act. Even though the Tories missed out on helping the males, the Act was better than nothing. The Employer and Workman Act of 1876 amended the careless ruling of the “Master and Servant Act” on how ‘unfair dismissal’ was handled. In previous years the employee could not sue an employer if dismissed unfairly whereas the employer could sue the employee if he/she had broke the contract. This was popular amongst Trade Unions as it brought further equality to the workplace. The last Act of 1875 was the Conspiracy and Protection of Property Act. This removed a grievance against Gladstone’s government which legalised Trade Unions but had now denied them the right to engage in further picketing. This was extremely popular among the public. Similarly, to gain credibility with the citizens the Tory’s response to Home Secretary Bruce’s Licensing Act of ’73 was to create a Licensing Act of their own in 1874. It simply enabled drinkers to remain in pubs for a further thirty minutes. A populist measure, devised and executed by Cross, standing him in good stead with the working class. The Education Act of 1876 sought to set up School Administration Committees that ensured an education for children up to ten and consequent examinations for those who wished to leave before the age of fourteen. In 1876, as result of pressure from Liberal MP Samuel Plimsoll, the
