These sad conditions and the liberal uprising together were not sufficient to create a desired revolution. Therefore, it would take an external factor to create the basis for this revolutionary feat; this came in the form of the French revolution of February 1848. King Louis Philippe in 1830 had many supporters from the lower and middle classes because they believed that he would bring about revolutionary changes into French society. Unfortunately their aspirations were torn as he clearly favoured the rich upper class and aristocracy. Thus, King Louis Philippe was replaced by revolutionary leaders in a revolt from the proletariat and middle classes. The news of the French revolution spread quickly into Germany and became the basis for a liberal uprising across Germany.
(Sperber J, 2004, pp 102-145)
From as early as February 27, liberals, peasants and artisans began rioting and pressuring the monarchies of the separated states of Germany to give in to their new desired policies, this began in Mannheim, where a Badische Volksversammlung (Assembly of the people from Baden) adopted a resolution demanding a bill of rights, in the ‘Mannheim Rally’ (Siemann w, 1998, pp 15 & 57-58). The protesting moved on to other states including Württemberg, Hessen-Darmstadt, Nassau, and other areas (Siemann w, 1998, pp 57-58). The surprisingly strong popular support for these movements forced rulers to give in to many of the Märzforderungen (demands of March) almost without resistance (Siemann w, 1998, pg 34). The liberals took advantage of the situation and unified, at least momentarily, at a national level and the liberal governments were installed all in an attempt to appease the uproar, and save the monarchies by offering concessions (Fulbrook M, 2004, pg 117). However, overall success of the Revolution depended upon the course of events in the two major German states, Austria and Prussia.
On March 13 in Austria, Chancellor Metternich resigned, because his conservative views were too ‘old-fashioned’ against the liberalist uprising and, thus, he went into exile in England (Fulbrook M, 2004, pg 117).
In Prussia, with rioting, general revolutionary movements and the news from Austria, King Fredrick William IV made plans to go against his counsel of ministers and generals, and decided that the best way to control this movement was to lead it. He gave in to practically all the demonstrators' demands, including free parliamentary elections, a constitution, and freedom of the press. He even promised that Prussia would lead the way to a united Germany and merge with it. After the people were officially told a huge crowd celebrated in front of the palace. When some became a little too exuberant and tried to enter the palace, troops were sent to slowly move the crowd away. Two shots were fired by the troops, by accident, but the damage was done. The Prussians believed that the king had lied and that began protesting. Many people died after the king’s soldiers had finished ‘moving the crowd away.’
(Siemann W, 1998, pg 64)
In an attempt to re-unify himself with his people, William IV paraded through the streets of Berlin in the company of some ministers, generals and members of his family, all wearing black, red and golden sashes on March 21 (Fulbrook M, 2004, pg 118). These colours were from the flag of the medieval German Reich and symbolise unity (Siemann W, 1998, pg 66).
With these ease of the former liberal victories across Germany, a self-appointed ‘pre-Parliament met in Frankfurt's St. Paul's Church (Fulbrook M, 2004, pg 118). Liberals from all over Germany converged to make vital decisions on how they could create a National Assembly for all of Germany. After much deliberation, the varying German states agreed that a National Assembly could be formed and on May 18th 1848 they conducted their first meeting (Fulbrook M, 2004, pg 118). Many of the first members of parliament were professors and lawyers with only four handicraftsmen and one solitary peasant (Fulbrook M, 2004, pg 119). Although many of the members had differing views, some decisions were able to be formed.
Firstly some economic policies were agreed upon and the introduction of free trade between states and neighbouring countries was also supported (Fulbrook M, 2004, pg 119). On December 28, 1848 a doctrine of fundamental rights was published and made available to all(Fulbrook M, 2004, pg 119). Further deliberation allowed for the endorsement of a united German nation-state with a monarcho-constitutional system “with an emperor and an elected parliament and responsible ministry.” (Fulbrook M, 2004, pg 119). And on the 29th of April 1849, the vote was passed to allow all men of united Germany to be able to vote, no what class they ‘belong’ to. However, the power of the parliament was short-lived when they discovered that their actions were not accepted by the German states or by other countries, and neither was its new flag of black, red, and gold (Siemann W, 1998, pg 78).
A further problem arose with the arduous situation with Schleswig-Holstein. Both these states were sought after by Denmark, because of their already close ties, and thus, Denmark made moves to annex them. The national parliament with the Prussian army went to war to stop this but after Russia, Sweden, and England threatened to intervene, Prussia signed an armistice without the national parliament permission. After realising they had no real military or political power, the national parliament eventually agreed to this armistice as it had no choice, and, therefore, became unpopular with the public because of its lack of power.
(Fulbrook M, 2004, pg 120)
Another problem that should definitely not be neglected is which states are to be included in the united Germany. Should they include Austria and become what is known as Grossdeutschland (Grand Germany) or not include them and become Kleindeutschland (Small Germany). This was put to rest on March 7, 1849 when the Austrian Emperor declared a constitution of his own making for Austria, Hungary, and the Italian and Balkanise provinces, declaring them to be an indivisible entity (Burrow JW, 2002, pg 44). This multi-national Empire, called the ‘Hapsburg Empire,’ obviously could not be a part of a German nation-state, much less lead it. Another problem existed of whether Posen, a predominately German-dwelling province in Poland, should be apart of the united Germany.
(Siemann W, 1998, pp 144-155)
The Prussian aristocracy and generals had regained power in Berlin in autumn of 1848. And of course, Fredrick William IV decided to change sides again and became intertwined with the conservatives, who promised to restore him to his former position. In November, he created a new conservative constitution with many liberal elements.
(Randers-Pehrson JD, 1999, pp 229-233)
On March 28, 1849 the draft of the constitution for the united German nation-state was passed through the ‘national parliament’ even though the conservatives had managed to regain power in many German states including Austria and Prussia.
(Randers-Pehrson JD, 1999, pp 232-233)
After offering the crown for the united nation-state to William IV and having it eventually rejected, the ‘national parliament’ finally realised, slowly, that it had lost that vast majority of its support and had no power to conduct and to introduce liberal changes.
(Fulbrook M, 2004, pp 120-121)
May 1849 saw the end of the liberal revolutionary action as the ‘national parliament’ slowly dissolved. Some members of the parliament moved to Stuttgart to continue their ailing aspirations; this was dissolved by the Prussian Army in July. The latter also aided in the minor uprisings of some workers, farmers, artisans and students in the Palatinate and Baden.
(Fulbrook M, 2004, pg 121)
The old conservative political stance was reinstated but with some liberal ideals that were brought about thanks to the revolutionaries. The proletariat and lower classes, even though the vast majority, were often bought off by the conservatives to regain loyalty (Fulbrook M, 2004, pg 121). Many Germans, who still desired change, immigrated to other countries with the United States being on top of their lists (Randers-Pehrson JD, 1999, pg 441).
Although the desired revolutionary action of 1848/49 had not come to pass and unity had not been achieved, many changes that the revolutionaries strived for were maintained in the newer conservative government of 1849 onwards.
Germans, as a whole, discovered that in order for change to be introduced, organised plans and groups need to be formed, not merely ideas on paper or in your head (Pascal R, 1948, pp 4-5) . Varying groups with the differing ideologies need to be created to have the interest of all considered. From this, political parties were formed (Fulbrook M, 2004, pp 121-122). Many Germans now were interested in politics because it directly affected them and, therefore, many publishers wrote books, newspapers, journals and magazines to encourage this interest (Siemann W, 1998, pg 133).
Although the aims for German unity were not achieved directly due to the 1848 revolutionaries’ efforts, it was realised on January 18, 1871. “It was not through the idealistic work of liberal democrats, but rather it was "forged by blood and iron," as conservative Otto von Bismarck, its first Chancellor put it.” (Pakula H, 1997, pg 209)
The constitution of 1871 was based upon the draft passed in the ‘national parliament’ in 1849 and this further shows that the revolutionaries’ attempts were not total failures (Siemann W, 1998, pg 197). Today's Federal Republic of Germany, founded after World War II, in 1949, chose black, red and gold for its colours to show that it sees itself in connection with the 1848 revolutionaries’ fight for German freedom and unity (Siemann W, 1998, pg 66).
The efforts of the revolutionaries also allowed for “[f]eudal social relations on the land, (to be) effectively abolished all over Germany by 1850…” (Fulbrook M, 2004, pg 121) Peasants and artisans were, therefore, able to complete their work without fear of conflict and general upset in their agrarian system (Siemann W, 1998, pg 132).
Further, the “…economic life continued in a liberal mode…” (Fulbrook M, 2004, pg 121) with help from the now constitutionally run Prussian government and others. This allowed for economic stability and even a continuance towards a brighter and healthier economy. (Sperber J, 2004, pg 253) Thus the actions of the revolutionaries enabled Germany as a whole to instigate change, and therefore their efforts did not go unrewarded.
In conclusion, the German ‘Revolution’ of 1848/49 was a fight for change and essentially for survival of not only their views but their well-being as citizens. From minor protests in the early nineteenth century to the political and physical slaughtering of those in Berlin on March 18th/19th, the revolutionaries gained support that required both action and sadly reaction. Although a political assembly was formed in Frankfurt with many decisions made, lack of unity and power kept the liberalists from stabilising their political ideals into the German societal system. The national assembly was dissolved and the ‘Revolution’ essentially failed but only in terms of their main ideal for German unity in 1849, as the conservatives reacted and regained power. However, the actions of the revolutionaries were not futile. Some change was implemented and some actions of the 1848 revolutionaries remain today with the current German Flag as one example. Although the efforts of the 1848 liberalists did not ‘turn’ German to the original desired point, German society still changed for the better and did essentially ‘turn’, a bit!
References
Burrow JW, 2002, The Crisis of Reason: European Thought, 1848-1914, Yale University Press, United States of America.
Fulbrook M, 2004, A Concise history of GERMANY, 2nd Edition, Cambridge University Press, England.
Herzberg W, 1982, Das Hambacher Fest: Geschichte der revolutionären Bestrebungen in Rheinbayern um das Jahr 1832, Topos, Germany.
Pakula H, 1995, An Uncommon Woman: The Empress Frederick: Daughter of Queen Victoria. Wife of the Crown Prince of Prussia. Mother of Kaiser Wilhelm, Touchstone Publications, United States of America.
Pascal R, 1948, The German revolution of 1848 (The birth of Socialism), Fore Publications, England.
Randers-Pehrson JD, 1999, Germans and the Revolution of 1848-1849, Peter Lang Publishing, United States of America.
Siemann W, 1998, The German Revolution of 1848-49, Palgrave Macmillan Press, Hong Kong.
Sperber J, 2004, The European Revolutions, 1848-1851 (New Approaches to European History), 7th Edition, Cambridge University Press, England.
Bibliography
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