Despite the poor situation in Peru and Venezuela, the leaders were both elected for by the public (although Chavez did attempt a military coup a few years earlier). All the Latin American countries that have achieved democracy since the third wave have been able to offer free elections including a fair amount of the adult electorate. In these elections both right wing candidates and left wing candidates have succeeded and power has exchanged hands without conflict. This ability to elect a leader from either ideology (Chilean Presidents Lagos and Bachelet are both socialists, and Chavez from the right wing) shows that the Latin American countries have achieved democratic success. Further evidence that Latin America is achieving democratic maturity is shown in recent elections where it appears that a good amount of the Latin American Public are moving towards the centre in terms of their preferred political ideology, meaning that they are moving away from electing an extreme right or left leader. Although, the election of Chavez shows a temptation to revert to an authoritarian regime in times of difficulty. The success of elections challenges the view that the third wave of democratization was far from an unqualified success.
Despite free elections the legacy of the atrocities committed by authoritarian regimes in the past is still very much clear in the memory for the people of Latin America, particularly when civil liberties are not being upheld in democratic Latin America. A lot of the new democracies have not been able to ‘ameliorate inequalities’ Mainwaring (2005) and there is still a huge gap between the rich and poor in Latin America, with poverty and crime rife. State sponsored violence in Venezuela is very much a part of the Chavez regime and in countries like Colombia and Mexico peoples liberties are being threatened not by the state, but by vicious drug cartels and gangs with the state doing little or unable to do anything to help. Social justice has not been achieved for a huge number of family members who have had relatives killed or kidnapped in previous regimes or during democratization, human rights has suffered continuing violations according to Skidmore (2005). Even in Chile ‘a country considered an example of successful economic restructuring and democratic transition’ Zekmi and Leiva (2005, p.88) hasn’t been able to bring justice to the people that deserve it. Former dictator Pinochet was granted a life presidency on his return to Chile instead of being tried for crimes against humanity. In Argentina high ranking generals were actually tried in the early-mid 80s and sentenced, however, due to actions by the military a few years later these sentences were repealed. The horrific lack of justice for human rights crimes and violations since much of Latin America became democratic and the probable lack of justice that will continue for a while yet means that the third wave of democratization, in this aspect has failed.
The lack of progress in terms of civil liberties has meant that the freedom of the press has suffered. Although not considered as a requirement in order to achieve a ‘full democracy’ a free press has to be present in a society for said society to be considered free. This is not the case in Latin America, where some countries are considered semi-democratic, the press is semi or partially free. As Skidmore writes in Modern Latin America as of 1999 the press in most of Latin America-including Argentina, Brazil and Mexico was only ‘partly free, due mainly to political harassment and/or economic restrictions Skidmore (2005, P.60). This information was attained from Freedom House who reported that the press in Peru and Cuba was ‘not free’. Figures can back up these findings ‘122 journalists were killed in Latin America between 1988 and 1997’ Skidmore (2005, p.60). The lack of freedom in the press means that the public are not able to find out true news stories that may have been changed by the government, thus limiting freedom of speech and civil liberties making the democracy less valid.
The biggest threat to the success of the democracies in Latin America has been the state of the economy. In many countries, for example Bolivia and Argentina the economy has been on the brink of collapse and in the latter caused the collapse of the banking system in 2000 causing a huge worry and doubt for the future and the exodus of two presidents within two weeks. However credit to both of the democracies in place in those countries as they survived with their democracies intact. Bolivia has been a good example of a country riddled with economic problems surviving, and ‘it’s stability in the 1985-2000 period epitomizes the ability of democracy to endure in unlikely places and under adverse conditions’ Mainwaring (2005, P.5). Despite the survival of the democracies in Latin America the constant economic problems that the countries face are not what a ‘normal’ democratic country should be facing all the time and shows limited success since the third wave of democratization. Furthermore a faltering economy endangers a democracy as it is more likely that the public will turn to an extreme option in elections, like the situation in Venezuela.
Whether this economic problem in Latin America is down to the previous regimes mismanagement economically or other reasons is not clear as there are many contributing factors, one of these being government performance. Mainwaring believes that many setbacks in democratic advances during the 90s are down to inept government performances, and he gives Mexico as an example. He argues that the regimes have failed to promote growth, reduce poverty and address the rising crime rate. Gwynne agrees and believes disenchantment has followed due to ‘the inability of many governments to improve the social conditions of the less privileged segments of the population’ Gwynne (2004, p.166), the success of the third wave of democratization in Latin America will always be limited because of corruption and government failings, as countries are not able to grow economically or make social advancements. However in the case of Mexico and Brazil gradual improvements are being made. Therefore you could say the process of democratization is far from complete Skidmore (2005), and what will follow in the next 10-20 years will give a good indication of the success of the third wave of democratization.
In conclusion I believe that the third wave of democratization in Latin America has not been an unqualified success. This is due to economic and government failings, military intervention and a complete lack of any justice for crimes committed during authoritarian rule. However, these democracies have been shown to be resilient and durable and will hopefully grow and mature therefore the democratization is not far away from being successful but there have been problems. Unfortunately it seems that these problems won’t go away quickly, but, becoming democratic is a good step along a long road for Latin America, but a lot of the problems that Latin America has faced since become democratic have yet to be resolved.
Bibliography
Robert Gwynne (2004). Latin America Transformed. 2nd edition. London: Arnold.
Thomas E. Skidmore (2005). Modern Latin America. 6th edition. Oxford: OUP.
Howard Wiarda (2007). Latin American Politics and Development. 6th edition. Boulder: Westview.
Sylvia Nagy-Zekmi and Fernando Leiva (2005). Democracy in Chile. The Legacy of September 11 1973. Brighton: Sussex Academic press
Rachel Sieder (2002). Multiculturalism in Latin America. Indigenous Rights, Diversity and Democracy. Basingstoke: Palgrave
Scott Mainwaring (2005). The Third Wave of Democratization in Latin America: Advances and Setbacks. Cambridge: CUP
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