In regards to Diarmait Mac Murchada, evidence states that his motives for Anglo-Norman force were well founded with purpose, planning and foresight. Diarmait was free to enlist the aid of mercenaries and avoid vassalage under Henry, but he chose to swear an oath of fealty to the Norman King. Indeed, Diarmait even performed homage. The reason for this was that so that he could restore and protect his kingship, with the aid of Henry and his Norman forces, as was Henry’s prerogative as Diarmait’s overlord. In regards to these actions, it is evident that Diarmait had the intention of raising Norman forces to take back his kingship. This in itself was a planned strategy with the aim of executing a monarchic restoration. With Henry’s letter patent, granting Diarmait the power to ask for aid from English nobles, the deposed king was free to offer English nobles ‘land and pence’ in exchange for military services. Diarmait’s promise of land was not accidental. His intentions for Anglo-Norman colonisation were adamant that the invading force was there to stay and to protect his kingship, perpetuating the notion that his motives were planned and foreseen. Therefore, Diarmait’s oath of fealty can only be seen in the light that he planned for an Anglo-Norman presence entering Ireland and that presence was to colonise the captured territory, harking to the idea that this Norman colonisation was purposeful, planned and foreseen in the eyes of Diarmait.
Politically, Diarmait was in good stead with the English nobility and his exploitation of the fact continues to push the point that his motives were purposeful, planned and foreseen. In his kingship, he had hired out a fleet for Henry in his Welsh campaign in 1165. This would surely have been a tool to win favour with the immensely powerful monarch, should the need for his aid reveal itself. In addition, he was in good standing with the wealthy Earl of Bristol, Robert Fitz Harding. Their families had been closely aligned in the past and previous marriage alliances may have also taken place. Indeed, even Diarmait’s religious associations coincided with Robert’s, displayed with how he actively cooperated with the reforms of the Irish Church. This was displayed with his founding of multiple convents and abbey’s, such as the abbey for the Augustinian canons of Arrouaise in Ferns, in 1160. Robert, in reflection, was regarded as the founder of the Augustinian canons of Bristol. Complimentary to Fitz Harding’s support, this would have generated support among many of the Anglo-Norman nobles who shared similar religious views. This admiration of Diarmiat’s religious affinity is demonstrated with how Bernard of Clairveux, a Cistercian Abbot, had granted him confraternity with the Cistercian monks. Although one could regard Diarmait’s religious views as purely spiritual, it cannot be disregarded as a political tool used to gain and use political support among like English lords, indicating that Diarmait’s motives were set on regaining his crown. Furthermore, with regards to Fitz Harding in particular, evidence suggests that Diarmait did wield his political power among the English to gain an audience with Henry and then to push home his objectives of monarchic restoration. His cultivation of good relations between Leinster and England is testament to this and although he may not have realised the sheer importance of this in his earlier kingship, he surely realised this when he was overthrown in 1169. This is displayed with how he directly sailed to Bristol to make use of his relations with Fitz Harding, who had the power to grant him an audience with Henry. One would, therefore, conclude that his campaign to win back his crown was purposeful, foreseen and planned.
Diarmait’s monarchic restoration to Leinster may have been planned and would set the piece for an Anglo-Norman takeover, but it would be Strongbow who would catalyse events for this takeover. Any argument for an actual Anglo-Norman invasion laid in the fact that he would aid Diarmait’s campaign of expansion throughout Ireland with his own forces. The Annals of Ulster support this fact by stating that this was ‘the beginning of the woes of Ireland’. Regardless, it would be his actions that would push the hand of the Norman King to consolidate his feudal lordship over Anglo-Norman territories in Ireland. These series of actions were started with his alliance with Diarmait which was to see him married to Diarmait’s daughter, and to become heir apparent to the throne of Leinster. This alliance not only saw Diarmait with a powerful ally with access to Jewish moneylenders, testament to his planned campaign, but set Strongbow in a seat of Irish power with the margin to expand it. It is evident that this power. However, power coupled with his questionable loyalties to Henry, displayed with how he sided with King Stephen against Empress Matilda, Henry’s mother, during the civil war in England and again with how he had set out to Ireland against the expressed orders of Henry, would put considerable pressure on the King’s trust in him. This lack of trust was exasperated when, with the death of Diarmait in 1171, Strongbow continued his campaign of expansion, even when the Irish refused to acknowledge him as king. Moreover, Strongbow was the lord of Dublin and as such, could establish a fleet to control the Irish Sea, which would be shadowed by his impressive forces inland. Therefore, Henry’s eventual seizure of power in Ireland was not the product of a grand planned invasion, but was a reaction to halt the growing power of a lord who had not only gained lands in Ireland, but had established himself as a successor to the lands of the late king.
With regards to Henry, his dealings with Strongbow and eventual claim to Irish territories was not begotten of a plan which was purposeful and foreseen, but a reaction to outside forces beyond his control. One could argue that Henry had always been concerned with a conquest of Ireland, as he had expressed an interest in the acquisition of Ireland in 1155 at the royal council at Winchester, but had been thwarted by Empress Matilda in such motives. However, Henry never again brought the matter up in the years interceding the council and the Norman colonisation of Ireland, disproving any real personal interest in such an operation. This indicates that he had no plan to invade Ireland initially, but that unforeseen events forced him to act. Having established that Henry was forced to react to the growing power of Strongbow, one should note that Henry was also under pressure from the Catholic Church. The idea of an Irish invasion at the council at Winchester was supported by the clergy present. Likewise, Pope Adrian IV had commanded Ireland to submit to Henry’s rule. In addition, the pope gave Henry the papal grant, Laudabiliter, so that he could invade Ireland and enact ecclesiastical reform. The notion drawn from this is that Henry may have felt pushed by the Church to invade Ireland. However, this is not the case, as he never made use of Laudabiliter and it is evident that Strongbow was his main source of concern. This is shown with how he called lords back from Ireland to swear fealty and pay homage, but also with how he proclaimed an embargo of supplies, effectively cutting Strongbow off from English aid. Moreover, he was set on establishing his dominion over Anglo-Norman held territories, as seen with how he brought 1000 lb. with the clear intent to sign charters and letters in Ireland, along with a force of 4500 men. Therefore, evidence suggests that Henry’s aims were not to placate the Church, but to keep his territories in check with superior numbers and the laying down of law. The most feasible explanation for his eventual takeover of Anglo-Norman territories was the growing power of Strongbow, suggesting that this eventual takeover was unforeseen and unplanned.
Overall, one can see how the invasion of Ireland was ‘an accident, unforeseen and unplanned’ from Henry II’s point of view. His actions were forced by the actions of Strongbow, leading to an unplanned and unforeseen seizure of power in Ireland. Likewise, his failure to foresee future problems of a potential rival kingdom with the Anglo-Norman colonisation of Irish territories draws to the fact that his takeover was accidental. Indeed, the fact that there was no true invasion harks to the idea that the series of events leading to 1171 were unplanned, unforeseen and accidental. However, although the Anglo-Norman invasion was ‘an accident, unforeseen and unplanned’, the motives of those who instigated it were not. Diarmait Mac Murchada had set the piece with his purposeful, planned and foreseen monarchic restoration and expansion. Likewise, Strongbow, continued this expansion, perhaps in the hope that he would become Diarmait’s successor, although Henry did neutralise him fairly swiftly as a threat. However, it is evident that it was the independent powers which forced Henry to react accordingly, leading to an accidental, unforeseen and unplanned takeover of territories in Ireland.
F. X. Martin, ‘Dairmait Mac Murchada and the coming of the Anglo-Normans’, A new history of Ireland II: Medieval Ireland, Art Cosgrove (ed.), 1993, p. 44
F. X. Martin, ‘Dairmait Mac Murchada and the coming of the Anglo-Normans’, A new history of Ireland II: Medieval Ireland, Art Cosgrove (ed.), 1993, p. 44
Giraldus, Expugnatio, p. 49
F. X. Martin, ‘Dairmait Mac Murchada and the coming of the Anglo-Normans’, A new history of Ireland II: Medieval Ireland, Art Cosgrove (ed.), 1993, p. 47
James Lydon, The Lordship of Ireland in the Middle Ages, p. 37
Goddard Henry Orpen (ed.), The Song of DIarmait and the Earl, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1892), pp. 23-5.
A.B. Scott and F. X. Martin (eds.), Expugnatio Hibernica The Conquest of Ireland by GIraldus Cambensis, (Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 1978), p. 27
Seán Duffy, Ireland in the Middle Ages, 1997, p. 61
Song of Diarmait, pp. 33-5
Brut Y Tyswysogyon, trans. Thomas Stokes (Cardiff, 1952)
James Lydon, The Lordship of Ireland in the Middle Ages, p. 32
F. X. Martin, ‘Dairmait Mac Murchada and the coming of the Anglo-Normans’, A new history of Ireland II: Medieval Ireland, Art Cosgrove (ed.), 1993, p. 48
F. X. Martin, ‘Dairmait Mac Murchada and the coming of the Anglo-Normans’, A new history of Ireland II: Medieval Ireland, Art Cosgrove (ed.), 1993, p. 49
F. X. Martin, ‘Dairmait Mac Murchada and the coming of the Anglo-Normans’, A new history of Ireland II: Medieval Ireland, Art Cosgrove (ed.), 1993, p. 48
Edited in Jean Leclerq, Recueil d’etudes sur Saint Bernard et ses ecrit (3 vols, Rome, 1962-9), ii, 313-12
James Lydon, The Lordship of Ireland in the Middle Ages, p. 32
Flanagan, Irish Society, ch.3 (80-111)
James Lydon, The Lordship of Ireland in the Middle Ages, p. 34
F. X. Martin, ‘Dairmait Mac Murchada and the coming of the Anglo-Normans’, A new history of Ireland II: Medieval Ireland, Art Cosgrove (ed.), 1993, p. 74
James Lydon, The Lordship of Ireland in the Middle Ages, pp. 38-39
F. X. Martin, ‘Dairmait Mac Murchada and the coming of the Anglo-Normans’, A new history of Ireland II: Medieval Ireland, Art Cosgrove (ed.), 1993, p. 80
Sheehy, Pontificia Hibernica, I, pp. 19-23
James Lydon, The Lordship of Ireland in the Middle Ages, p. 40
James Lydon, The Lordship of Ireland in the Middle Ages, p. 39