What were the causes and consequences of the Kulturkampf between Catholics and the German state?

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What were the causes and consequences of the Kulturkampf between Catholics and the German state?

The period of German history between 1871 and 1883 known as the Kulturkampf has been greatly disputed regarding both its origins and aftermath. Firstly, a definition of ‘Kulturkampf’ is vital for an understanding of this era’s ‘causes and consequences’.  The term was originally used by the liberal Rudolf Virchow as he claimed that the emerging conflict between Catholics and the state had ‘the character of a great struggle for civilisation in the interest of humanity.’’.  Such an assertion immediately suggests that the Kulturkampf was perceived by many to be a necessary attack for the greater good.  However, it must be remembered that in reality the Kulturkampf, or ‘cultural struggle’ as it is perhaps best translated, took many forms, involved many different groups and individuals each with their own motivations and perspectives.  Similarly, the consequences of the brutal suppression of the Catholic minority are many and widespread, including the paradox consequence of actually enhancing the power and prestige of Roman Catholicism in the form of an organisational and spiritual revival in reaction to the Kulturkampf.  In this essay I shall attempt to outline some of the major precipitating factors of this culture struggle and asses the political, social and religious consequences of the Kulturkampf, which all had an extensive impact on Germany’s development in the twenty-first century.

A significant geopolitical cause of the Kulturkampf was the threat or fear of a Catholic crusade, derived largely from suspicion of the Catholic Church, its antiquated rituals and seemingly anti-nationalistic tendencies.  Doctrinal Catholicism had become more fundamental, in reaction to rational criticism over the last half century, with orthodox Papal doctrinal writings such as the Papal Bull of Infallibility and the Syllabus of Errors.  In these publications, Pope Pius IX had denounced modern civilisation and in the process appeared to confirm to Bismarck and the German state that the existence of Catholicism was detrimental to the nation’s progression.  In opposition to the ‘culture of progress’ which had been rising in Germany with the celebration of industrialisation and political unification, the subservience of German Catholics to the Pope in Rome suggested that Catholics were an intellectually backward, anti—nationalistic group who were dangerous to German security and should be subdued.  Indeed, Blackbourn suggests that the Kulturkampf ‘symbolized better than anything else what it was that the supporters of progress wanted’.  

It is arguable that liberal animosity towards Catholics and the resulting pressure they placed on the state contributed to, and triggered, the Kulturkampf.  German liberals were strong supporters of the ‘culture of progress’ and so encouraged attacks on the Catholic Church, believing them to be necessary for German’s progression due to the restrictive nature of Catholicism. Eley has voiced this opinion when he describes the Kulturkampf as a ‘struggle for progress’ against the antiquated, arbitrary nature of the Catholic Church, it being no coincidence from the liberal perspective that the Catholic areas in Germany were generally poorer and less economically advanced.  Ian Farr has suggested a contemporary liberal view of the Kulturkampf when he says that it was primarily a ‘struggle between secular liberalism and the increasingly intransigent Catholicism’.  Sperber supports Farr in his view of the Kulturkampf as a political struggle when he says that the Kulturkampf became ‘a struggle between clericalism on the one hand and liberalism on the other’.  It can be said then that although the liberals may not have directly caused the Kulturkampf, they certainly promoted it and encouraged Bismarck to put forward anti-Catholic legislation throughout the period.

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The formation of the Centre Party as a ‘natural rallying point for opponents of the Empire’ meant that potentially it was an extremely divisive factor in the causation of the Kulturkampf at a time when the state was looking towards German unification in all sectors.  This plays into Bismarck’s frequent accusation that the Centre party was ‘a mobilization against the state’ and should be crushed.  Other historians however, such as Craig, have seen the Catholic Centre Party as being largely defensive in nature - ‘founded in 1870 to protect the rights of Roman Catholics in a predominantly Protestant country’.   More specifically, ...

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