To become a state like entity there are essential ingredients, and citizenship is there to ensure they come together. In this snapshot in time to many the EU seems to be much too ambitious, but considering it’s goal, in the long-term it may not seem so.
As mentioned before an EU citizenship cannot exist in theory. This is on two levels, one because the EU isn’t a state and two because there is already a national citizenship, replacing it in the foreseeable future would be impossible as the Memberstates wouldn’t allow it. The answer to both is ‘Dual Citizenship’. As expressed in Article F(1) the EU aim to replace national citizenship but is simply wanting to add on it. the affect being achieved is that of America - where multi-identities are workable. According to Monar, dual citizenship isn’t only a possibility but a necessity for the EU, it being the only route forward if progress is to be made at this stage of the integration process.
EU citizenship however is dependant upon the possession of memberstate nationality. Thus, ultimately the power to determine who is an EU falls with memberstates. From this point of view there is nothing wrong with this as the memberstates aren’t passing over all their sovereignty. But it is within their jurisdiction to exclude who they want. Non-nationals are excluded and discriminated against even though they may have resided in a memberstate for years. It follows that each memberstate has varying nationality law
Through this clear inequality in access, the EU has gone beyond the limits of unfairness. In so far as citizenship is uniting the people of Europe, it’s failing. One asks whether residence would have been a better criterion of citizenship. But as has been pointed out an extension of citizenship would entail enormous repercussions for the development of political integration, which may not be readily accepted by the memberstates.
Not accepting the obvious discrimination, one might say to guarantee any possibility of success the EU has to tread carefully. Once and if political integration is achieved, the EU may then see fit to correct discriminatory provisions, as then the repercussions may not be as damaging as they seem now. But this will not happen anytime soon - a state isn’t made overnight.
POLITICAL CITIZENSHIP.
Political rights are central to the concept of citizenship and yet in the EU these are virtually non-existent. Voting rights do exist as shown by articles 8b and 8c, but as pointed out by Weiler neither have been implemented fully as yet, drawing the analysis that citizenship rights are just empty gestures.
Article 138a points to the importance of political parties in integration and expressing the will of the citizen. Yet it is displaced from Part two of the TEU. If the EU was serious about creating a citizenship and consequently attached rights there would be more substance and organization to them. The EU is taking citizenship beyond it’s real capacity and is producing legal rights that have no real political value, also there is no ‘intermediate structure’ as a typical political system would have, so how can there be any political rights? EU citizenship is holding out a false consciousness of benefits the citizens will receive when in fact they really won’t.
But if this is so, then why would the EU profess to give something that it doesn’t have, something so valuable? As mentioned there’s no intermediate structure but there are political rights, it’s possible that the EU is laying down the outside pieces of the jigsaw (citizenship) first to know and not lose the framework they are working within - it’s what’s required to make it easier to fill in the central pieces later on.
This can be understood in relation to the reaction encountered if memberstates are bluntly asked to transfer further sovereignty to create a European political system.
To understand such a dynamic concept such as citizenship one has to see from the viewpoint of the EU as well as being critical from the outside.
FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS.
‘Protection of fundamental rights should constitute the hard core of Union citizenship’, but as it happens the treaties seem to be treating fundamental rights issues separately from citizenship issues. Part two of the TEU make no express mention of such rights. But those it does haven’t yet been implemented, and are a repetition of pre-existing ideas.
Article F(2) refers to respect for rights in the ECHR, not altogether clear in the substance of them and being a non-justiciable guarantee, makes it’s effectiveness doubtful. As it is rights are scattered throughout the treaties with no codification.
There has been a proposal for a non-discrimination clause, but this also seems to have been significantly weakened in it’s potential effect. One wonders whether any substantive benefits have truly been conferred upon the citizen through citizenship? It seem not.
The EU has embarrassed itself in exaggerating the importance of EU citizenship, and overreached it’s potential trying to deal with such a powerful concept, which it didn’t conceive it to be.
However form the EU point of view, piecemeal protection of rights is probably insurance if their political goals aren’t fulfilled. Maybe once something resembling a political system is taking shape then more substantive rights will be granted, after all a contract of citizenship between the state and citizen has benefits both ways.
CITIZEN IDENTITY.
The sole purpose of establishing EU citizenship was to provide something for individuals to identify with, some sort of structure that will inspire belonging and loyalty. However, we identify first and foremost with our nationas it is the common homeland of it’s people, sharing a common history, culture and language. Therefore identifying with people of different cultures and history is difficult and very problematic.
One only has to look at the former Yugoslavia to see the dangers of differences can swell into strong nationalistic attitudes and behaviour. The EU could fall into what it initially tried to avoid - war. Maybe abit too speculative but the dangers of nationalism should never be underestimated as the EU is seems has done.
If this is the possible outcome then the EU has overreached it self more than ever before by risking everything within the EU.
Despite this it can be claimed that to fulfill the aims, citizenship is a necessity. Without the support of the people there is no political EU. Citizenship helps them feel a part of something together and EU citizenship is about accepting differences. Therefore by harmonizing the people the EU may not be seen as overreaching itself. Citizenship is an expression of multi-identities, one with the individuals own nation and the other on the EU level.
CONCLUSION.
For the EU, citizenship is a necessity as not only is it the route by which it can achieve the loyalty of the people but also make progress for a Political EU - a supranational entity. Citizenship it seems was the only means by which the latter could be achieved so subtly, attaching little rights to the concept in the various areas, for example political, would slowly create a demand from critics and people that more rights should be conferred. The EU’s reply would be that to do so some more structure will be necessary - in the way of say new bodies for the running of a political system.
Through this process there is a possibility that the EU could achieve it’s goal. Any other way would be impossible especially as we know how the Memberstates feel. The EU would not be cheating the memberstates and it’s peoples but simply creating a need, which itself would have to answer.
As well as a necessity, citizenship is in a way an obstacle to the EU’s goals, because if loyalty isn’t inspired then there is no hope for these goals to be fulfilled.
We can only speculate whether the EU has overreached itself with the citizenship concept, as the outcome - what ever it may be is too ahead into the future.
It is my belief that, considering recent outbursts of nationalism, the EU has greatly overreached itself. Though, theoretically a political EU is possible, realistically it could not exist as there are too many barriers.
The EU could continue to be an economic union in the creation of a single market, yet this at the present stage of the integration process this seems very unlikely, as steps have already been taken.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
G. De Burca, ‘The Quest for Legitimacy in the European Union’, Modern Law Review, (1996)
H.U.J, D’Oliveira, ‘European Citizenship:It’s Meaning, It’s Potential’
S. Fries, J. Shaw., ‘Citizenship of the Union: First Steps in the European Court of Justice’, European Public Law, (vol 4, Dec. 1998, Kluwer Law International.)
C. Lyons, ‘Citizenship in the Constitution of the EU: Rhetoric or Reality?
U. K. Preuss, ‘Problems of a Concept of a European Citizenship’, European Law Journal, ( Nov 1995, Oxford, Blackwell Publishers),
J. Shaw, ‘European Citizenship: The ICG and Beyond’, (1997, European Integration online Papers, vol 1, no.3),
A. D. Smith, ‘Nationalism’
M,La Torre, ‘European Citizenship: An Institutional Challenge’, Kluwer Law International, (ed., Netherlands, 1998) - includes the following chapters:
J. Weiler,Chapter 1:‘European Citizenship:Identity and Differientity’
J. D. Galloway, Chapter 3:’Citizenship:A Jurisprudential Paradox’,
A.C. Oliveira, Chapter 9 - ‘The Position of Third Country Nationals:Is it too Early to Grant them Union Citizenship?’
J. Monar, Chapter 8- ‘A Dual Citizenship in the Making:The Citizenship of the European Union and it’s Reform’
M. Garot, Chapter 11- ‘A New Basis for European Citizenship:Residence?’,
D. O’Keeffe, A. Bavasso, Chapter 12 - ‘Fundamental rights and the European Union’
A. Evans, Chapter 13 - ‘Union Citizenship and the Constitutionalization of Equality in the EU Law’
S. Fries, J. Shaw., ‘Citizenship of the Union: First Steps in the European Court of Justice’, European Public Law, (vol 4, Dec. 1998, Kluwer Law International.) p.1.
Article 8(a)(i) - meaning all national of memberstates.
C. Lyons, ‘Citizenship in the Constitution of the EU: Rhetoric or Reality?’, p.103
H.U.J, D’Oliveira, ‘European Citizenship:It’s Meaning, It’s Potential’, p.129
U. K. Preuss, ‘Problems of a Concept of a European Citizenship’, European Law Journal, ( Nov 1995, Oxford, Blackwell Publishers), p.271
J. D. Galloway, Chapter 3:’Citizenship:A Jurisprudential Paradox’, in La Torre, ‘European Citizenship: An Institutional Challenge’, Kluwer Law International, (ed., Netherlands, 1998). p.61
J. Monar, Chapter 8- ‘A Dual Citizenship in the Making:The Citizenship of the European Union and it’s Reform’, in L Torre, op.cit.,p.173
Article F(1) TEU - ‘The union shall respect the national identities of it’s memberstates..........’
J, Monar, op. cit., p.175
Article 8(1) - ‘every person holding the nationality of a memberstate should be a citizen of the union’.
M. Garot, Chapter 11- ‘A New Basis for European Citizenship:Residence?’, in La Torre, op. cit., p.232
A.C. Oliveira, Chapter 9 - ‘The Position of Third Country Nationals:Is it too Early to Grant them Union Citizenship?’, in La Torre, op. cit, p.197
Article 8b - right to vote in EP elections, Article 8c - right to vote and stand in local elections.
J. Weiler, ‘European Citizenship:Identity and Differientity’, in La Torre, op. cit, p.11
G. De Burca, ‘The Quest for Legitimacy in the European Union’, Modern Law Review, 1996, - ‘including media and other forms of mass communication in which collective cultural and political identity is formed and reflected’.
H. U. J. D’Oliveira, op. cit., p.134
D. O’Keeffe, A. Bavasso, Chapter 12 - ‘Fundamental rights and the European Union’, in La Torre, op. cit, p.253
A. Evans, Chapter 13 - ‘Union Citizenship and the Constitutionalization of Equality in the EU Law’, in La Torre, op. cit, p.283
H. A. J. D’Oliveira, op. cit., p.184
J. Shaw, ‘European Citizenship: The ICG and Beyond’, (1997, European Integration online Papers, vol 1, no.3), p.11
A. D. Smith, ‘Nationalism’, p1