Forensic psychology essay

Essay 2

The search for the truth behind murder begins with the killer’s intent. The study of motivation is important, as understanding thought patterns in murderers may help make sense of a seemingly motiveless murder. Outline the evidence relating to motivational factors involved in murder. Discuss the above with particular reference to a specific type of murder, i.e. – serial, sexual, cult, domestic, etc.

FBI Special Agent Robert Ressler was the first person to use the term “serial murderer”, when he was involved in the “Son of Sam” killings in New York in the 1970s1. In recent years, serial murderers have been held accountable for “2000 to 3500 murders a year, more than 10% of all murders in the U.S. 1” In this essay, I will discuss various theories that have been proposed over the years to explain the motivational factors involved in serial homicide.

Even though a universal definition of serial homicide has yet to be formulated, the majority of researchers, investigators and clinicians view serial murder as sexually motivated, “basically a sub-type of sexual homicide” (Schlesinger, 2000). One of the difficulties associated with research in this area is the fact that, in USA, national crime statistics on the number of sexual/serial homicides aren’t maintained; indeed even homicides with “distinctly overt signs of sexual motivation” aren’t grouped separately but are “included under the general category of homicide2” When one considers the fact that, in many cases, the sexual motives behind homicide aren’t overt and obvious, it isn’t surprising that they mightn’t be recognised by the authorities; in fact they can be “frequently rationalized and denied by the offender as well3”

Sexual motives may be expressed in other, less obvious ways; Revitch (1965) observes that, in many cases, particularly brutal and murderous assaults may serve as substitutes for the sexual act itself. It is almost as if the act of aggression “satisfies” the sexual component of the murder. And Banay (1969) confirmed the idea that “hidden sexual forces frequently lie at the root of many apparently nonsexual crimes4”. This often means, that in the absence of overt expressions of sexuality (such as intercourse with the victim), sexually motivated assaults or murders may be seen as common crimes.

Louis B. Schlesinger (2000) considers that sexual homicide becomes serial when “multiple victims (i.e. three or more) are involved, usually in multiple locations, with a cooling-off period between murders2”. He argues that are three central components to serial homicide:

Sexual sadism
Intense fantasy
A compulsion to act out the fantasy.

Sadism, defined as sexual arousal derived from the “physical suffering, humiliation, and control of the victim2”, is widely regarded as being one of the influential motivating factors for serial homicide. Keppel (1997) describes the case of Richard Cottingham, who subjected his victims to prolonged agony, to allow them to “suffer through his torture [until] “the master,” as he referred to himself…would be sexually satisfied5”. This desire for control, in fact, is a common motivation for many serial killers - McCulloch et al. (1983) identified this desire as the primary motivating force in sadism. Schlesinger recounts the story of a 25-year-old serial murderer and rapist who stated that “I want to be in control: having me in control is the thing; control is the main motivation; killing is the ultimate control2.”

Prentky et al (1989) found that fantasies are often instrumental in driving the behaviour of serial killers. Beres (1960) defines fantasy as “a group of symbols synthesised into a unified story”, which is used by serial killers as “a substitute for action, or it may prepare the way for later action6.” In other words, as reported by McCulloch et al. (1983), the intense fantasies that the serial killer indulges in may lead to a “behavioural try-out.” This view is reinforced by Hazelwood and Douglas (1980), who suggest that many murders that may look as if they have occurred impulsively, have actually been “premeditated” in the fantasies of the murderer. Malmquist (1996) observes that in these fantasies, as in the subsequent murders, “the victim becomes depersonalised, reduced to contemptible objects that exist solely for the gratification of the perpetrator1”. There is little doubt that fantasies act as a forerunner to later murders, but this begs the question: why do serial murderers act out their sadistic fantasies, whereas the common person, who may have much the same kind of fantasies, does not feel the need to?

This question has been described as “fundamental but difficult to answer2”. However, according to Revitch and Schlesinger (1981), the answer is that some individuals act out their fantasies due to a compulsion to do so. The word compulsion is derived from the Latin compellere, meaning “to compel, force, urge and drive on”, and Schlesinger argues that, for serial murderers, this compulsion act as a “means of liberation from unbearable inner tension2.” Krafft-Ebing, one of the first authors to write a comprehensive account of serial homicide in 1886, described the overwhelming compulsion felt by the serial murderer Vincenz Verzeni, who ...

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However, it is interesting to note that this compulsion, which may exert a powerful influence on the mind of a serial murderer, is not seen to constitute an “irresistible impulse” in the legal sense. Perhaps this “compulsive” aspect of serial murder is often dismissed by investigators and the legal system in general due to the fact that it can prove difficult for serial murderers to describe the feeling – the 25-year old mentioned previously spoke of “a sharp pain in the back of my head, an angry overwhelming urge to kill2”

If serial murder is “fuelled” by sadism, intense fantasy and a compulsion to kill, as Schlesinger (2000) conjectures, what are the antecedents which lead serial murderers to become sadists, with fantasies that they fell compelled to act upon? Liebert (1985) stresses the importance of the early mother-son relationship in the formation of a serial murderer. He advances the theory that the serial murderer may have “internalised” the aggressive, negative aspects of the relationship with his mother, before “projecting” them onto a victim, usually female. The killer may use the defence mechanism known as splitting – which involves categorizing women as either pure and good or defiled and evil – this means that “repressed incestuous feelings seem to be the main stimulus for sexual homicide1.” As Schlesinger (2000) puts it, perhaps this type of sexual murder can be seen as “displaced matricide – a displacement of affect from the mother to other women2.” Indeed, from looking at the family histories of many notorious serial murderers, a disturbed, unhealthy relationship with the mother seems to be prominent in childhood. A study carried out by Ressler et al. (1984) involved interviews with 36 incarcerated murderers, many of whom were serial or mass murderers8. They reported that 42% of the sample was physically abused and 75% was psychologically abused in childhood.

Some researchers have reported that there are biological differences between serial murderers and normal members of the population. MacLean (1962) found a link between the structure in the brain that controls feeding and aggression (the amygdala) and the structures controlling sexual function. Money (1990) contends that that a “variety of biological problems – stemming from heredity, hormones, or brain injury1” may be associated with serial sexual murder. Although there seems to be quite a lot of evidence suggesting that are neurological and neuropsychological factors involved in serial murder, a major problem of many of the current theories are that they are “too structured and narrowly localized1”. However, it is important to remember that, only in rare cases would the motivation for serial murder be linked to the neurological or psychiatric condition of the individual.

In fact, the existing social climate may also play a part in releasing and directing the violence of the serial murderer. In times of great social upheaval and turmoil, there is invariably an accompanying increase in violence and crime. And, in some cases, the motivation for serial homicide may be derived chiefly from the social environment i.e. as in the case of the professional hit man. Purely external (sociogenic) motives for homicide can be found at one end of the spectrum of motivational stimuli developed by Revitch and Schlesinger (1978) to explain the nature of the antisocial (homicidal) act. The analysis is based “solely on clinical experience and not systematic empirical research4”; this results in a greater in-depth insight into the motives behind murder, but Schlesinger (1998) is quick to acknowledge that “complex phenomena such as human behaviour are difficult to classify; rigid boundaries cannot be established because of fluid borderline cases4”

The purely internal motives for homicide rest on the “extreme endogenous end” of the motivational spectrum; these are the motives least influenced by external social factors, such as money. For the offences at this end of the spectrum, the need to commit the crime is highly compelling for the perpetrator, and there is usually a “strong potential for repetition4.” This explains why the motives for serial murderers can be found at this end of the spectrum. In fact, the urge, or compulsion, to commit a murder can be so strong that that attempts to resist will “bring on anxiety and somatic manifestations4”. William Hirens was famous for his saying “Catch me before I kill more; I can’t help myself” – Freeman (1956) reported how Hirens would develop headaches and sweat profusely when he tried to resist his compulsion to kill. As was mentioned earlier, the vast majority of the compulsive (serial) homicides found on this part of the spectrum seem to have sexual conflict as an underlying theme (Grubin, 1994). It isn’t surprising that many researchers believe that the process whereby serial murderers select, capture and torture their victims, allows them to “obtain a maximal intensity of sexual excitement and orgasm that they are unable to achieve in any other way1.”

Serial murderers have also been characterised as suffering from a profound sense of self-loathing, which can only be “relieved” through “their actions of controlling, torturing, and killing a victim” (Simon, 1996). According to this theory, the “sexually sadistic exploitation” of the victim brings sexual serial killers “out of an emotional death, enabling them to feel calm and relaxed1.” Likewise, Malmquist (1996) has observed that the severe depression and despair that serial murderers reportedly felt prior to a murder were alleviated by the murderous act itself.

The study carried out on murderers by Ressler et al (1984) used a sample consisted entirely of males, and this is representative of most of the studies carried out on serial murderers. But even though the vast majority of serial murderers are male, it must be recognised that women too are capable of becoming serial murderers, albeit with different motives to their male counterparts. FBI data for the years 1975 to 1999 reveal that 26 women were responsible for approximately 173 to 214 homicides, with an average of 7 to 9 per perpetrator9. Cooper (2000) suggests that there are five different types of female serial murderers, with different motivations underlying the actions of each type. Firstly, the comfort killer is driven by greed – in other words, the “inferred motive is material gain9” such as money, property etc. The victims of this type of murderer are usually family members or close acquaintances, and they are usually killed by poisoning. The comfort killer would correspond with the “Black Widow” character often depicted on film and television. Comfort killers wouldn’t usually be classified as psychotic, even though their history of serial homicides may be enough to “satisfy the DSM-IV criteria for personality disorders of an antisocial or mixed type. 9”

Visionary killers, on the other hand, are obviously mentally ill – the majority of these murderers “display features of a major psychiatric disorder, notably schizophrenia and/or a drug psychosis9”. These women are often paranoid, impelled to kill by auditory hallucinations and the like. The third type of female serial murderer, the hedonistic killer, is primarily motivated by “deviant sexual urges” and sexual sadism. This type of murderer, although few in number, would have much the same motivation as the male serial murderers that have been described thus far. Power serial murderers usually work in nursing homes and hospitals, and are motivated by the “power” that they wield over the people in their care, usually children, old people, or incapacitated patients. A feeling of control over their victims is the primary motivating factor, as they have the power to decide who lives and dies while under their care. Finally, disciple serial murderers are extremely rare, and they “apparently kill on the personal whim of a charismatic and narcissistic male, who selects not only the victim but also the manner of death9”. Disciple serial murderers usually reside in communes, following the commands of the leader of the cult e.g. the female followers of Charles Manson.

In conclusion, from my research I have realized that there is a distinct lack of scientific research on serial homicide. This may be due, to a certain degree, on its extreme rarity, which “does not permit ordinary research methods to be easily employed2”. Throughout the 1980s, for example, the FBI calculated that there were only approximately 35 serial killers active in the USA1. The clinical studies carried out on serial murderers also tend to be retrospective in nature; that is, instead of attempting to identify causal variables for serial homicide to predict who is likely to become a serial murderer, they examine the life histories of murderers and try to identity factors that may have led to their murderous behaviour. As Busch and Cavanaugh (1986) rightly point out, “retrospection, combined with a small sample size, introduces a bias that tends to confirm the assumptions of the researcher. 10”

However, in this essay I have outlined a number of valid different theories that have been put forward to explain the motivation of serial murderers. It is imperative to have an idea of the motives behind serial murders, as this may help investigators to formulate strategies for catching the perpetrators, as well as aiding in their psychological evaluation when they are apprehended. This is very important, as serial murderers “rarely stop killing unless they die or are apprehended.1” I will end this essay, though, with the disturbing thought that there is sometimes a danger that people may try to find a simple, logical motive for a murder when there is none – in fact, in some cases the serial murderer “kills because he has a need to kill4.”

References

1. Miller, L (2000) The Predator’s Brain: Neuropsychodynamics of Serial Killers. In Schlesinger, L. B. (Ed.) Serial Offenders: Current Thoughts, Recent Findings. London: CRC Press.

2. Schlesinger, L. B. (2000) Serial Homicide: Sadism, Fantasy, and a Compulsion to Kill. In Schlesinger, L. B. (Ed.) Serial Offenders: Current Thoughts, Recent Findings. London: CRC Press.

3. Schlesinger, L.B. and Revitch, E. (1997) Sexual dynamics in homicide and assault. In Schlesinger L.B. and Revitch, E. (Eds.) Sexual Dynamics of Antisocial Behaviour, 2nd ed. Springfield, Ill: Charles C Thomas

4. Schlesinger, L.B. (1998) Murder and Sex Murder: Psychopathology and Psychodynamics. In Hall, H. V. (Ed.) Lethal Violence: a Sourcebook on Fatal,

Domestic, Acquaintance and Stranger Violence. London: CRC Press

5. Keppel, R.D. (1997) Signature Killers: Interpreting the Calling Cards of Serial Murderers. New York: Pocket Books.

6. Beres, D. (1960) Perception, Imagination and Reality. International Journal of Psychoanalysis, 41: 327-334 as cited in Schlesinger, L. B. (Ed.) Serial Offenders: Current Thoughts, Recent Findings. London: CRC Press.

7. Krafft-Ebing, R. von (1886) Psychopathia Sexualis. Philedelphia, PA: F.A. Davis as cited in Schlesinger, L. B. (Ed.) Serial Offenders: Current Thoughts, Recent Findings. London: CRC Press.

8. Ressler, Burgess, D’Agostino and Douglass (1984) as cited in Busch, K.A. and Cavanaugh, J. L. (1986) The Study of Multiple Murder. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 1: 15

9. Cooper, A. J. (2000) Female Serial Offenders. In Schlesinger, L. B. (Ed.) Serial Offenders: Current Thoughts, Recent Findings. London: CRC Press.

10. Busch, K.A. and Cavanaugh, J. L. (1986) The Study of Multiple Murder. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 1: 15

Freeman, L. (1956) Catch Me Before I Kill More. New York: Pocket Books

Grubin, D. (1994) Sexual Murder. British Journal of Psychiatry, 165: 624-629

Hazelwood, R.R. and Douglas J.E. (19800 The lust murderer. FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin, April, 1-5

Liebert, J.A. (1985) Contribution of psychiatric consultation in the investigation of serial murder. International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminouogy, 28: 187-200

MacCulloch M.J., Snowden, P.J., Wood, P. and Mill, H. (1983) Sadistic fantasy, sadistic behaviour, and offending. British Journal of Psychiatry, 143: 20-29

MacLean, P.D. (1962). New findings relevant to the evolution of psycho-sexual functions of the brain. Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, 135: 289-301

Malmquist, C.P. (1996) Homicide: A Psychiatric Perspective. Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Press

Prentky, R.A., Burgess, A.W., Rokous, R., Lee, A., Hartman, C., Ressler, R.K. and Douglas, J. (1989) The presumptive role of fantasy in serial sexual homicide. American Journal of Psychiatry, 146: 887-891

Revitch (1965) Sex Murder and the Potential Sex Murderer. Diseases of the Nervous System, 26: 640-648

Revitch, E. and Schlesinger, L.B. (1981) Psychopathology of Homicide. Springfield, Ill: Charles c Thomas

Simon, R. I. (1996) Bad Men Do What Good Men Dream: a Forensic Psychiatrist Illuminates the Darker Side of Human Bahaviour. Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Press.