"It would be regrettable if a court had come to the conclusion that in a situation where the need for intervention of the court had been established that intervention was prevented by rules as to standing." (Woolf LJ in R v A-G ex p ICI 1985)

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Rhian Williams

  • “It would be regrettable if a court had come to the conclusion that in a situation where the need for intervention of the court had been established that intervention was prevented by rules as to standing.” (Woolf LJ in R v A-G ex p ICI 1985)

Are the courts so prevented? Should they be?

An inherent difficulty appears in the law’s attempts to provide a division between those who deserve to have standing for judicial review of an administrative decision and those who act merely as “busy bodies.”

Justification is necessary as to why some individuals and groups’ applications are deemed acceptable whilst others are not. These decisions are naturally driven by the limitations on the resources of the judiciary, the available time and money should be used as efficiently as possible. Yet, as society broadens its outlook and becomes more cosmopolitan and pluralist, those who wish to question a judgment may become more diverse as may their reasons for the challenge. The UK today comprises more discernable groups of the population than could be recognisable in the past, which suggests that there are also numerous different views on certain contentious topics and that a number of different interests may be affected by a decision taken on a particular issue. As the number of applications for judicial review grows the requirement of standing becomes evermore important to constrain whimsical or vexatious complaints. How standing should be defined and thus what rules govern it is imperative to ensure that the executive is kept in check, but at the same time the courts are not inundated by claims from individuals who may not have been personally affected by the agency’s action.  

The obvious effect of locus standi rules in any legal system is according to Schieman “to exclude some people from obtaining the assistance of the courts in declaring and enforcing the law in circumstances where others could obtain that assistance.” Standing thus has an important part to play in the early restriction of the number of claims, which will progress to the full review proceedings, which are far more demanding on the judicial resources. As Konrad put it “wherever someone is thus excluded of the locus standi rules, the law regards it as preferable that an illegality should continue than that person excluded should have access to the courts”. Perhaps the “open system” where anyone could obtain a hearing on any subject on which he desired a hearing would be the ultimate manner to apply judicial review in a plural society. However, idealism is always restrained by the realism of actual application and thus, the “open system” could never really apply in the UK, or anywhere else for that matter. Having a “closed system” is not, in itself, a problem due to the substantial arguments against an open policy including the fact that it distracts policy makers from formulating policy to defend themselves in court; may lead to defensive administrative practice; result in a high volume of litigation which is borne by the public purse. According to Konrad, “It is generally accepted that the court has under section 31 of the 1981 [Supreme Court] Act a discretion to refuse to grant leave…on other grounds not specified by the Supreme Court Act.” This is favourable for a plural and cosmopolitan society that wishes to have many sorts of decision amenable to judicial review, which may not have been covered by such safeguards in the past, however this discretion must lead to a degree of uncertainty. Konrad’s dissatisfaction with the rules surrounding standing has been the subject of many other academics. Cane reiterates that the important question “is why we allow this or that applicant but not the other to bring proceedings for judicial review.” In public law, the standing of an individual is seen as a separate preliminary issue going to the right to apply for a remedy and not to the merits of the applicant’s case. The public law litigant is required to show that the public body has infringed one of the values embodied in the substantive heads of judicial review and also that some personal interest of his has been thereby infringed thus giving a reason why he should be allowed to complain about the abuse of power. Cane recognises, three grounds that appear in the cases: “the possession of a legal right, the suffering of special damage and being a person aggrieved.” These criteria could be construed widely by the courts in order to admit cases which do not fit under the traditional stance of the standing tests, yet this leads to judicial discretion and the inherent uncertainty that this entails, perhaps this level of discretion is necessary to attempt to assess the merits of many diverse applications coming from a diverse society.

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Since the enactment of the Supreme Court Act 1981, the stance in England has been that “the court shall not grant leave to make [an application for judicial review] unless it considers that the applicant has a sufficient interest in the matter to which the application relates” (section 31(3)). This makes it apparently impossible for a disinterested party to apply for judicial review. This runs along the lines of Miles’s “individualism” where the focus falls upon the individual upon whom the wrong was perpetrated, an analogous doctrine to privity of contract. Before the 1981 Act the focus had been perhaps ...

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