The criminal law harms rather than helps victims of sexual violence

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Although statistics show that rape counts for only 1% of all crimes reported between 2008- 2009, ‘sexual offences, in particular rape are among the most unreported crimes’.  With between 75% and 95% of rapes not reported to the police. In this essay, I seek to discuss the reasons why the law on ‘sexual harms’ and the system which implements has lead to such a low conviction rate, being only 5.6% of reported rapes and the harm victims experience whilst involved in the criminal justice system. The majority of research used in discussion refers specifically to rape, despite this, the problems found in the reporting and conviction of rape, apply more generally to ‘sexual harms’.

In order to understand whether the criminal law and the system which implements it causes more harm than healing to the victim, it is essential to first understand what type of harm. Clearly, a return verdict of ‘not guilty’ will cause the victim significant distress, it is not however simply this which we are to discuss in relation to harms to the victim. The victim may feel humiliated by part of the process; they may be put through stress in having to come to court to give evidence. Most notably a victim can themselves feel as though they are on trial themselves when giving evidence as Madigan and Gamble aptly put it a ‘second rape’.

Before discussing how the Law and the system it operates in affects victims of sexual offences, it is important to outline the system in which the law operates within the UK. The Due process and Crime Control models were put forward by Herbet Packer. The crime control model works on the assumption of reliance in police fact finding and once someone is arrested, they are treated as if they have been found guilty. On the other hand, the Due process model works on the basis that any person arrested is required to have their rights respected and only the most damning evidence should result in a guilty verdict. It would seem in other indictable offences, such as murder and manslaughter, a crime control model is the closest to how the jury perceives defendants, with the conviction rate being much higher than sexual offences. In cases of sexual offences, it seems clear that juries tend not to sympathise with the victim and lean towards protecting the defendant and his reputation.  It is clear that operation within the due process system will make the experience worse for the victim as it is not their rights which the criminal justice system is seeking to protect but the defendants.

There is no doubt that rape and other sexual offences differ from other indictable offences, in that they rely almost solely on the complainant’s evidence, with little else to support it. The Sexual Offences Act 2003 was implemented to update the law on sexual harms; it has however done little to improve the situation. The rebuttable presumptions of Section 75, allow a situation in which the defence can argue the victim did consent or the defendant had reasonable belief that she did despite being unconscious or involuntarily intoxicated at the time solidifying the idea that the victims prior behaviour  is essential to whether consent is present or not. This seems to be somewhat of an oxymoron since consent must be given to that act at the time of it. Therefore, the fact consent can be proven on the balance of probabilities even if the victims is asleep or unconscious seems to encourage the use of past behaviour to discredit the victim and only adds to the common misconceptions of victims of sexual harm, reducing the focus on the real issue that consent was not present at the time of the act.   As Bibbings argues, the wording of Section 1 (2) requiring that the presence of consent must be decided in relation to ‘all the circumstances’, means  the use of common stereotype’s such as provocative behaviour or past sexual history in the courtroom  is now legitimised.

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It seems clear that the problem of proving sexual offences has influenced the police and the CPS, whom believe only the most blatant cases, can succeed. Evidential rules seem to be rooted in long standing and incorrect beliefs about women.  Since cases of sexual offences are often decided purely on the victim’s evidence, there cannot in a majority of cases be such clear cut guilt to convict in accordance with the rule of law. Thus allowing the defence an excuse for using evidence to unnerve and discredit the victim. The admission of such evidence clearly causes upset to the victim, ...

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