Comparing Julian Barnes A History of the World in 10 Chapters to Elisabeth Wesselings descriptions of the postmodernist historical novel

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A Voyage through History

Comparing Julian Barnes’ A History of the World in 10 ½ Chapters to

Elisabeth Wesseling’s descriptions of the postmodernist historical novel

A.M. Hoogenboom - 9628525

Doctoraal scriptie Engelse Taal en Cultuur – augustus 2005

1e begeleider: dr. P.C.J.M. Franssen

2e begeleider: dr. R.G.J.L. Supheert

Cijfer: 7

Table of Contents                                                                                2               

Preface                                                                                                      3

1. Introduction                                                                                5

2. The Historical Novel: From Scott to Postmodernism                                 8

 

The Origination of the Historical Novel                                                         8

Imitation and Emulation                                                                        10

The Passing of Scott’s Popularity and other Changes in the Literary Field                              12    Changes in the Early Twentieth Century                                                        15

The Development of Alternatives                                                                16

From Modernism to Postmodernism                                                                18

Postmodernist Self-Reflexivity                                                                       26

Historiography in the Making                                                                               27

History in the Making                                                                                       29

                                                                                

3. Self-reflexivity in A History of the World in 10 ½ Chapters                         30

Historiography in the Making                                                                         32

History in the Making                                                                                 47

4. Counterfactual Fiction and Uchronian Fiction in A History of the                 51

World in 10 ½ Chapters                                                                

Counterfactual Conjecture                                                                         51

Uchronian Fiction                                                                                 64

5. Reviewing the Results                                                                         70

Uchronian Fiction or Self-reflexivity                                                                 70

Parenthesis                                                                                         74

Conclusion                                                                                         85

References                                                                                           87


Preface

Writing this thesis has been quite a journey for me. Looking back, I cannot remember exactly why I chose to write my thesis on A History of the World in 10 ½ Chapters. I do remember that I took a class on postmodernist literature, taught by Aleid Fokkema, and that during this course I was introduced to the novel. Practical thinking made me consider a book for my thesis which I had become familiar with during one of the courses I had attended, and for some reason I ended up picking this novel. I asked Aleid Fokkema to be my mentor and she agreed. I think I started off doing not exactly badly, I increasingly spent less and less time on my thesis because to personal problems. Finally, I had to stop break off working on my thesis. For a year I did not study at all. In September 2004, I made a fresh start. Aleid Fokkema agreed to be my mentor again and I resumed working on my thesis. All in all, the process of finishing my thesis has not been an easy one. I still struggled with personal issues and working on my thesis was often a real battle for me. Another bump in the road was that Aleid Fokkema had to break off her mentorship. She arranged a new mentor for me, Dr Paul Franssen. Unfortunately this transfer lead to some delay, but the mentorship of Dr Paul Franssen has worked out. Today I finish my thesis and this is very special to me. There have been times when I considered breaking off my studies completely, and times when I did not think I would ever be able to finish my thesis, but after hard work and many struggles, I have succeeded, and this is great! If not fantastic.  

        I do not feel I have succeeded all on my own. Friends and family have been there for me during my difficult times when I had stopped studying, and during my new effort to write my thesis. I would like to take this opportunity to thank my mum and dad for patience and, not unimportant, financial support. I would like to thank my friends Marleen, Anne-Marie, Hester, Christine and Saskia for their patience and support and good advice. Besides this, I need to thank God for being there for me through it all.

         One other thing I would like to mention, is that in the long process of working on this thesis, Barnes’ novel has remained interesting to me. The novel, as well as the critical framework I used for my thesis, have proved to be tough material for me to deal with. Still, for most of the time I could not help but like Barnes’ book, if only for the sense of humour that is displayed in it. Allow me the freedom to quote you two passages from the text. The first is from “Parenthesis,” the “half” chapter in the novel. This fragment is taken from a passage where an Indian tribe is described which thrived, so that the Indians had a lot of time on their hands. Barnes relates how stealing from one another became what they “liked to do” and what they “celebrated” (235). This is where a humorous passage comes in:

        

As they staggered out of their tepees and another faultless day came smooching in from the Pacific, they would sniff the honeyed air and ask one another what they’d got up to the previous night. The answer would be a shy confession – or smug boast – of theft. Old Redface had his blanket pilfered again by Little Grey Wolf. Well, did you ever? He’s coming along, that Little Grey Wolf. And what did you get up to? Me? Oh, I just snitched the eyebrows from the top of the totem-pole. Oh, not that one again.

Bo-ring.

Finally, a passage from chapter nine, “Project Ararat”. Spike Tiggler, back from the moon, talks to his wife and utters this beautiful line: “I went 240,000 miles to see the moon – and it was the earth that was really worth looking at” (259).

 

Albertina Hoogenboom


Chapter 1

Introduction

Ever since Julian Barnes published his first novel Metroland in 1980, his work has been received with much attention, by reviewers as well as by literary critics and, of course, the reading public. Especially since Flaubert’s Parrot was published in 1984, every new publication of Barnes’ work has spurred increased activity at reviewers’ desks, bookshop counters, even on the internet and in university classes. This production of activity indicates that Barnes certainly has become an author of importance. People have opinions about him, his writing affects them.

A number of critics have incorporated comments on Barnes in their writing on postmodernism, or have labelled his work explicitly as postmodernist, for instance Theo D’haen, Linda Hutcheon, Elisabeth Wesseling.[1] They have used Barnes’ work to illustrate their observations about postmodernist writing. In this thesis I would like to examine one of Barnes’ novels, A History of the World in 10 1/2 Chapters, in relation to postmodernism, the literary current that some critics have linked him to.

About postmodernism, the last word has not yet been spoken. Ever since the term was first used in the 1930’s, and was more frequently used in the 1950’s and 60’s and from then on, critics have struggled with defining it. Contemporary critics agree that it has now become a label not just for a literary period, but for a wider cultural phenomenon, including fields such as architecture, the arts, philosophy and theology. In literature, it is still a current notion, and a much-debated issue. What critics seem to have most reservations about, is to give an overall definition of postmodernism. They describe a number of characteristics which they think might be called postmodern, but they do not claim: “So, this is what postmodernism is all about.” Hans Bertens goes as far as saying that “in most concepts, and in practically all recent concepts of postmodernism the matter of ontological uncertainty is absolutely central.”[2] However, as was said, most critics keep to giving a number of concepts that seem to characterise postmodernist works. Some examples of these concepts are: ontological doubt, or plurality, an interest in (views on) history, the notion of the ex-centric, and an emphasis on values and normative codes, or on a lack of them. The first two of the concepts mentioned will be explained somewhat further. The forwarding of ontological issues is an activity that is noticed by all critics of Postmodernism. As mentioned before, Hans Bertens labels it as its central notion. “The denial of any metaphysical, transcendental, or essentialistic order seems to me to be the central given of postmodernism. The postmodernist author rejects absolute truths. He rejects any ontological embedding/anchoring, as well as every system of values, every order, which presents itself as such.” [3]

Another phenomenon that has been marked by a number of critics is the postmodernist focus on history and on the perception of history. For example, in Het Postmodernisme in de Literatuur, Hans Bertens, speaks of “de talrijke historische romans die het postmodernisme telt” (translated: “postmodernism’s many historical novels”).[4] In A Poetics of Postmodernism, Linda Hutcheon writes about “historiographic metafiction”, which is to her characteristic of postmodernism. Elisabeth Wesseling has devoted her doctoral thesis to a critical study of the postmodernist attitude towards history: Writing History as a Prophet: Postmodernist Innovations of the Historical Novel.[5] She states: “the predominance of historical subject matter in postmodernist fictions can be regarded as something of a revival for the historical novel” (2). She distinguishes what she calls the “postmodernist historical novel,” and explores its relationship to the classical and modern historical novel. In doing so, she comes to a description of the characteristics of this “subdivision of postmodernist fiction” (Wesseling vii).

        An interest in history can be found in Barnes’ work as well, for instance in the novels Flaubert’s Parrot (1984), Staring at the Sun (1986) and A History of the World in 10 ½ Chapters. In this thesis, I would like to take a closer look at A History of the World in 10 ½ Chapters. More concretely, I would like to examine to what extent A History of the World in 10 ½ Chapters bears the characteristics of a postmodernist historical novel as they are described by Elisabeth Wesseling, and also, if and how the novel deviates from Wesseling’s descriptions, and what that deviation might mean. In short the question of this thesis is: does Julian Barnes’ A History of the World in 10 ½ Chapters fit Wesseling’s description of the postmodernist historical novel? To answer this question, the following steps will be taken. First, in chapter two, I will make clear what Elisabeth Wesseling means with the term “postmodernist historical fiction.” Secondly I will examine what examples can be found in Barnes’ novel of the characteristics of postmodernist historical fiction as they have been described by Wesseling. This will be done in chapters three and four. In chapter five, the results from chapters three and four will be reviewed, and it will be assessed if and how Barnes’ novel agrees with Wesseling’s descriptions of postmodernist historical fiction.


Chapter 2

The Historical Novel: From Scott to Postmodernism

The aim of this chapter is to expound what Elisabeth Wesseling means exactly with the term postmodernist historical fiction. Wesseling does not present a clear-cut definition of the postmodernist historical novel. She outlines the genre of historical fiction as it has developed from around 1800 to the end of the 1980's, and ends up with a number of features which in her view characterise the postmodernist embodiment of the historical novel. A number of these features will be employed in analysing a historical novel from 1989, Julian Barnes’s A History of the World in 10 ½ Chapters, with the aim of establishing to which extent the novel fits Wesseling’s descriptions of the postmodernist historical novel.

This chapter of my thesis presents a summary of Wesseling’s outline of the historical novel, from its origins to its postmodernist embodiment. This summary is to make clear what the characteristics of the historical novel were in the past, and how the genre has changed in the course of time. Some information from Wesseling’s survey has not been included as I did not regard it relevant to my thesis. The descriptions of postmodernist fiction that this chapter ends with will be used in the following chapters to examine Barnes’ novel.

The Origination of the Historical Novel

According to Wesseling, the genre of historical fiction entered a new phase in the late twentieth century, through postmodernist innovations. Certain new features that had been

deviations from the usual generic repertoire at first became more commonplace, even characteristic of the genre. In order to make clear what postmodernist historical fiction imports, it is therefore useful to explore what the genre of historical fiction looked like before these changes took place.

The origination of the historical novel may be situated toward the end of the eighteenth century, when novelists started writing novels that simulated historicity in an attempt to uplift the prestige of their field of writing. However, the major breakthrough of the historical novel, and its definite establishment as a genre came with Sir Walter Scott and his Waverley, or 'Tis Sixty Years Since (1814) and the historical novels he wrote after that, commonly referred to as the Waverley Novels. One characteristic of the Waverley Novels, and of the early nineteenth-century historical novel in general, is the position the genre took up with regard to historiography. According to Wesseling, the historical novel took up a complementary position towards historiography. The historical novel presented itself as a “vehicle for conveying historical knowledge” (Wesseling 33). There were differences between the historical novel and historiography as well. The fictional element of the historical novel was not something its proponents tried to cover up. “[T]hey held that the use of invention in the service of vivification, embellishment, and the fleshing out of details where historiography only offered rough outlines was a highly desirable compensation for the shortcomings of a stylistically unattractive historiography” (Wesseling 32). Further on in her book, Wesseling mentions that historical novelists defended the use of invention in their works on didactic grounds: the historical novel could be a bridge between the reading public and historiography, which probably was tougher material to dig into. According to Wesseling, Scott argued that “if readers would content themselves with mere appetizers,[6] a modicum of knowledge would still be conveyed” (45).[7] It is useful to note that apart from minor alterations of historical data, Scott did not approve of gross violations of canonised history.

Besides openness about its own fictionality, another feature distinguished the historical novel from historiography: “the historical novel represented aspects of the past that had as yet not been dealt with as extensively by historians, namely the daily lives of ordinary people” (Wesseling 33). Scott and his successors preferred domestic history to political history for writing material.

A facet of the Waverley Novels that frequently received attention was its “moral efficacy” (Wesseling 47). Some of those who judged the Waverley Novels negatively in this respect ascribed this to “the shallowness of his heroes” (Wesseling 47). Scott admitted to being committed to historical rather than moral edification. His heroes were mediators, employed in reflecting their perceptions to the reader, rather than instruments for instructive revelations of an inner life. Wesseling states with respect to Scott's characters: “Their perceptual activities, combined with the learned expositions of the external, omniscient narrator on the living circumstances of former epochs, make up an important part of the external realism or couleur locale which counts as the hallmark of the historical novel” (49).

Imitation and Emulation[8]

 “In the wake of the Waverley Novels, novelists further expanded the generic repertoire of the historical novel,” Wesseling comments (50). As for thematics, some of Scott’s motifs became standard topoi, and others were added. Concerning ideology, historical fiction extended into “diverging directions,” from nationalism to Victorian morality (Wesseling 50). As for historical subject matter “novelists explored materials, which, taken all together, cover the whole range of Western history from classical antiquity up to the near present” (Wesseling 50). Wesseling stresses the fact that novelists “basically remained within the matrix of the Waverley Novels, where strategies for integrating historical and fictional materials are concerned” (51). She adds:

Novelists retained the basic features of Scott's formula by placing fictional characters and their adventures in the foreground, and by investigating how historical events impinged on the daily lives of ordinary individuals, while avoiding anachronisms as much as the contemporary state of the historiographical art would allow. Furthermore, they embedded characters in a closely detailed network of material living circumstances by way of extensive descriptions of the costumes, architecture, landscape, manners, customs and the like of former epochs. Most novelists treaded in the footsteps of Scott by locating the historical component of historical fiction in the recreation of the milieu of former epochs, rather than in the representation of epoch-making events or world-historical figures. Even to those nineteenth century authors who deliberately broke out of the confines of the Waverley model, Scott's oeuvre still constituted a fixed point of reference. (51)

One nineteenth-century exception Wesseling mentions is

 the fictional biography or vie romancée, which received definitive shape in the novels by Sir Edward Bulwer Lytton within the context of the English literary tradition. Contrary to the bulk of nineteenth-century historical fiction, Bulwer’s fiction not merely introduced thematic variations, but in fact altered the formula for integrating the historical and the fictional component, as well as the genre’s relation to historiography. Bulwer sought to emulate Scott by boosting the historical reliability of the genre. (51-52)

Bulwer's novels displayed a kind of historical fiction that strove after a more solid claim to factual resonance. He engaged himself in quite thorough research, and did, as Scott had done, use “fragments of legend and folkloric oral tradition as sources for his narratives” (52). Besides this, he made historical individuals the heroes of his novels, and “based his plots on the recorded careers of their lives” (52). Wesseling: “This set-up gave him reason to claim that his novels were made up of factual materials for the major part, and that the role of the imagination was restricted to the divination of the inner motives which might have compelled the subjects of his narratives to commit specific deeds” (52).[9] Bulwer’s historical fiction stepped into a competitive position to historiography, instead of a supplementary one. “Bulwer claimed that the reader could directly turn to his novels for sound instruction that could rival with historical studies for reliability […] Rather than supplementing history, he sought to outdo the historian at his own job” (52, 53). Wesseling mentions the writer James C. Simmons, who viewed that, in Wesseling’s words, “laboriously researched novels such as Romola or The Cloister and the Hearth are just as much indebted to Bulwer as to Scott” (53).[10] 

Scott's work influenced historiography, the novel at large, and the historical novel in particular. Scott's influence on contemporary historiography concerned subject-matter and style. Scott “reinforced the interest in customs, manners, and material environment over and against the focus on political history” (Wesseling 53), indicated writing techniques and “reminded historians of the attractions of a dramatized entrance into the past” (Wesseling 53). As for the novel at large, the “classical model of historical fiction was of the utmost importance to the development of the later realist novel” (Wesseling 53). Finally, Scott's influence on the genre of the historical novel “can hardly be exaggerated, at least where the first half of the nineteenth century is concerned,” according to Wesseling (54). She states that Scott's work took up a “vanguard position in the evolution of both the historical novel and its two neighbouring genres” (54).[11] It automatically follows from this that the further development of the historical novel was linked up with the passing of Scott's “prestige and popularity” later on in the nineteenth century (Wesseling 54).

The Passing of Scott's Popularity and Influence and other Changes in the Literary Field

Wesseling explains that “comparatively few scholars” have busied themselves with asserting when Scott’s work began to be less esteemed. (Wesseling 54). Wesseling mentions two critics who locate the decline of Scott's popularity with the reading public in the 1880's. Concerning critical reception, Wesseling explains that Scott “was a controversial writer, who harvested both praise and blame […] often coming from the same critic. Yet, we can infer from Hillhouse’s comprehensive study of the reception of the Waverley Novels[12] that Scott fared worse with the Victorian critics than with his contemporaries” (Wesseling 55). Victorians pointed to the “shallowness in characterization and morals,” and “became increasingly critical of Scott's treatment of history. Exposures of anachronisms and mistakes in chronology become far more frequent than they had been during Scott’s lifetime” (Wesseling 55). A third field to look at, when investigating the appreciation of Scott, is that of historical fiction. Wesseling mentions Heinz-Joachim Müllenbrock, who locates a “lull in the production of historical fiction between the mid-1860s and the early 1890s” and considers that “the historical novels that were written after this period either did not conform to the Waverley model at all, or had but a tenuous relation to the more ‘unhistorical’ embodiments of the Waverley model” (Wesseling 55). Müllenbrock argues that the fact that Scott's work lost its model function had to do with developments in the novel in general, and in historiography. For instance, Victorianism produced more pressing demands on novelists concerning the “display of moral acumen in […] analysis of their [his characters'] mental lives,” while holding on to external realism as well (Wesseling 56). Besides this, historicism gained ground, which “not only emphasized the historicity of outward living circumstances […] but also of norms, values and even of human nature itself” (Wesseling 56). To Scott, the universality of human nature was a link with the past: “As the historical novel derived its right of existence from facilitating the entrance into the past, the novelist should make the most of this link, according to Scott” (Wesseling 57).

The developments mentioned above made the writing of historical fiction more difficult. Already in 1847 an anonymous critic argued that, in Wesseling's words, “the retrieval of the consciousness of our ancestors is a well-nigh impossible enterprise” (57). Wesseling summarizes a quote from the anonymous critic on the issue as: “the novelist can at best attain external realism, but he is almost bound to go awry where the detailing of the inner life is concerned” (57). Writing historical fiction in the late-nineteenth century became an increasingly difficult task. Wesseling concludes her chapter as follows: “As the novel became more and more committed to some sort of psychological realism around the turn of the century, the difficulties mentioned by James,[13] that pivotal link between the two centuries, would become an insurmountable obstacle and require of the ambitious novelist to either ignore the genre altogether or invent radically new alternatives for the Waverley model” (58).

In the twentieth century, Scott's grip on eminent literature was gone. Wesseling presents a quotation from Virginia Woolf from 1924 in which she states that Scott is one of the authors who have no more impact on others, and Wesseling argues that at that time it had seemingly become a general opinion that the form of the Waverley novels had become outdated. Wesseling states on pages 67 and 68: “I have argued that the nineteenth-century historical novel was gradually cut off from its moorings in the novelistic and the historiographical domain. Twentieth-century developments in the writing of fiction and history but intensified this process.” She explains that “Practicing novelists themselves have explained which features of Scott's fiction made the Waverley model passé in their eyes, among whom Virginia Woolf” (68). She says that “Woolf criticized Scott on psychological grounds” (68). Woolf was discontent with the “lack of psychological depth” in The Waverley Novels (68). On Woolf's criticism on Scott and on some contemporary colleagues Wesseling states: “Woolf blamed Scott and other materialists for their failure to do justice to the complexity of human consciousness” (68). Wesseling continues:

Virginia Woolf's essays testify to a transformation of literary norms and values which put a high price on psychological introspection as an indispensable attribute of the novel form. Reality was considered to be too complex and diffuse to be dealt with in a pseudo-objective manner which neglects to pay due attention to the consciousness that perceives and interprets reality, or so Woolf argued. (68)

Both Virginia Woolf and Hella Haasse, a Dutch historical novelist, connect

…the preoccupation with the individual consciousness to a changing perception of reality […] Both refer to the fact that the idea of external reality as a stable and intelligible totality was becoming increasingly problematic during the first half of this century, a development which fostered inquiries into the complex relations between the knowing subject and the outer world. Within the realm of literary art, this development was translated into a shift of interest away from the supposedly objective representation of empirical reality toward an investigation of the ways in which the individual consciousness plays an active and projecting, rather than a passive and reflecting role in forming images about itself and the outer world. (Wesseling 69)

This applies to the Modernists, who, according to Wesseling, “focused on the ways in which the spatial and temporal aspects of external reality impinge on our consciousness” (69).

Changes in the Early Twentieth Century

Wesseling comments as follows on developments in the field of historiography: “The intellectual developments referred to above[14] did not leave the discipline of historiography unaffected either. Here the idea of history as an orderly and meaningful process with an inherent dynamics and purpose was thrown into doubt, which had inevitable consequences for the status of historical knowledge” (70). In the early twentieth century questions began to arise in the field of the philosophy of history concerning the objectivity and impartiality of “professional historicist historiography” (Wesseling 70). One of the more radical critics of historicism was Theodor Lessing. He pointed out that “the attribution of meaning and shape [to history] proceeds according to the interests of the historian” (71). Other matters brought up by critics were the denial of an “objective, autonomous existence of history” (71) and the “perspectivist nature of historical knowledge” (71). The former issue was based on the assumption that history “only comes into existence as an object of the historian's thought” (71). The latter issue dealt with the fact that our versions of history are necessarily determined by the interests of the present. Another topic, similar to this, was foregrounded by R. G. Collingwood, who wrote about the “a priori imagination” (71), which means that historians, before selecting their data and forming a picture of the past, already have an image of that past which influences the selection of the data and the final picture they form. The changing perceptions and the criticism on historicism and historiography were bound to influence the literary genre of the historical novel.

As was mentioned above, the classical historical novel took up a complementary position towards historiography and functioned as a means of propagating historical knowledge. However, the critique of historicism made it increasingly difficult for novelists to be able to substantiate their historiographical pretensions.

The Development of Alternatives

According to Elisabeth Wesseling, it was only after the Second World War that writers, with the postmodernist innovations of the historical novel, “began to develop an alternative for the classical model in order to express an awareness of the fact that the meaning and intelligibility of history could not be taken for granted anymore” (73). In this phase the historical novel is not so much complementary to historiography as it takes up a metahistorical position towards it. Instead of propagating historical knowledge, postmodernist writers “inquire into the possibility, nature and use of historical knowledge” (73). This does not mean that in the first half of the twentieth century, no efforts at all were made by innovative writers to search for ways of adopting historical materials. To some extent the Modernists engaged themselves in this effort, although the works that resulted from this effort were not immediately recognised as innovations of the genre of the historical novel. Instead of focussing on the external world, modernist writers were more interested in the inner world, or the “individual consciousness,” as Henry James called it (Wesseling 75). With respect to historical fiction this concern resulted in (1) examinations of the ways in which an awareness of the past shapes one's mental makeup, and (2) a continual concern with the question of how knowledge of the past can be acquired in the first place.

        Elizabeth Wesseling mentions three characteristics of modernist historical fiction:

-The subjectivisation of history. In Scott's novels, the characters were rather vehicles for conveying historical information than of any interest in themselves, because the focus was on depicting the external world. In modernist fiction, it is the other way around: history becomes a vehicle, a determinant in the forming of a personality. The focus is on the development of character, in which history plays a part. This gives way to a subjective use of history.

- The transcendence of history. This relates to the way in which past and present were traditionally linked. In classical historical fiction, different points of time in history were linked as different stages in the same historical process. In modernist historical fiction, the links between historical moments are drawn in various other ways, for instance, through mythical motifs, similarity or repetition. The link becomes more of a symbolic one.

- Self-reflexivity. This concept concerns itself with epistemological issues. Wesseling states her definition of self-reflexivity, which “applies specifically to historical fiction” (82), as follows: “a strategy, or rather a bundle of strategies, which disrupts the supposedly direct relation between […] two levels of reality” (83). With “two levels of reality” Wesseling refers to the level of the “res gestae” of history (the deeds performed in the past) and the “historia rerum gestarum” (the narratives about the res gestae) (82). Elizabeth Wesseling restricts self-reflexivity in historical fiction to two expressions of this phenomenon: explicit commentaries by historian-like characters, and multiple focalisation. The first feature adds a narrative level, and stresses that history is a projection of the historian's consciousness. The second feature is more implicit. It juxtaposes diverging views on the same subject matter, without “discriminating between ‘true’ or ‘false’ versions” (83).

From Modernism to Postmodernism

Having described the modernist historical novel, Elizabeth Wesseling makes towards a description of postmodernist historical fiction. Wesseling claims that not all of postmodernist historical fiction can be seen as “continuous with modernist self-reflexivity” (93). A number of postmodernist historical novels contains gross violations of “canonised history” (93), and, according to Wesseling, “much more can be said about this salient phenomenon when we realize that postmodernist novels which ‘falsify’ history have a metahistorical orientation and generic context which diverge from self-reflexive historical fiction” (94). Next, Wesseling undertakes to depict the generic context she refers to.

        Wesseling’s starting point for describing the generic context of historical novels that alter canonised history is science fiction. Wesseling states that the “postmodernist infringements upon canonized history” (94) can be seen as a hybrid of the historical novel and science fiction. To explain this, Wesseling first shows a number of similarities between science fiction and utopian fantasy. Next, she brings in the concepts of “genre” and “mode” to clarify the relationship between utopian fantasy and science fiction. She claims: “we may state that the bulk of science fiction partakes of the utopian mode […] we can paraphrase this observation by stating that science fiction has become the modern avatar of utopian thought” (96). Wesseling adds that the alternate worlds of the utopian mode were positioned in “a place somehow beyond the confines of empirical society,” or in “an unknown time, that is, the future,” and that science fiction “has perpetuated both tendencies in its futurological and cosmological variants” (96). Wesseling adds to this the statement that more alternate worlds are possible: “they may also be projected backward in time, into the past” (96). She poses: “Perhaps now the outlines of a possible rapprochement between the historical novel and science fiction are becoming faintly visible” (96), and: “In order to detail the gradual advances of the two genres, let me describe a number of ways in which the historical and the utopian imagination can confront each other, and engage in an ever closer correspondence” (94). One of these ways is fiction “in which utopian fantasies about an ideal society tinge representations of the past” (96). Another one is fiction “in which nostalgic dreams about the past affect conjectures about the future” (96). However: “the ‘futurological’ element in historical fiction, and the ‘historical’ element in futurological fiction remain implicit. The explicit settings of both types of fiction are clearly either the past or the future” (97). Having said this, Wesseling introduces the next step in her line of argument by stating: “A closer rapprochement between the two genres can be exemplified by novels which combine features of both historical and science fiction within a single work” (97). She then discusses two novels that are set in the Middle Ages, and also use a “typical science fiction motif: time travel” (97). In two of these novels, the main character is transported from the present back into the Middle Ages. In one of these novels a dream initiates the leap back in time, and in the other one, it is a “blow on the head” that launches the main character to the Middle Ages. A third novel Wesseling mentions, pictures a man who becomes “unstuck in time,” and travels to the “alternate world of the planet Trafalmadore” (99). Wesseling concludes her section on these three novels by stating: “…these novels do not yet overtly negate canonized history. Rather they embed historical materials within the type of defamiliarizing context that one would associate with science fiction” (99).         

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        Wesseling moves on to “a third stage in this entanglement of the historical novel and science fiction, which merges historical materials and utopian fantasies about alternate worlds in such a manner that ‘alternate histories’ are the result” (100). Wesseling continues: “Fictions which belong to this category change canonized history in ways one cannot ignore” (100). And later on she adds:

Changes are wrought upon canonized history by effecting shifts among the various factors that played a role in a given historical situation or series of events. These shifts produce a counterfactual course of events which can either be more ...

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