Not every man who lives within the cultural sphere of the Kula participates in it. Exclusions can be local, where whole villages don’t engage in the Kula, or social, where commoners of low rank in big Kula districts are refused entry into the Kula. To become a practicing member of the Kula a man must have passed the stage of adolescence, have the required status and rank, know the magic of the Kula, possess a piece of vaygu’a and thus have entered into a partnership. After a man enters into the Kula he will then partake in a large overseas canoeing expedition known as an uvalaku. It is extremely competitive, driven by a community’s desire to present the most and highest quality vaygu’a to partners in other districts, and also an individuals desire to receive and therefore display acquisitions on their return in a ceremony known as tanarere. Both a commoner and a chief enter into the Kula the same way and follow the same guidelines. Kula transactions can only be done between partners. Partnerships are entered upon in a definite manner, are life-long, and must fulfil certain formalities. The number of partners a man has varies with rank and importance. An average man will have a few partners near by, usually relations-in-law or friends. He will have one of two chiefs in neighbouring districts with whom he kulas and to whom he is bound to assist and serve in return for special liberal treatment. Finally he will have a few overseas partners which serve as allies in far-away, dangerous, and foreign districts. The cumulative effect of the rules of partnership provides a network of relationships bound together by direct or intermediate partnership. This network enables not only the exchange of material objects but also the exchange of customs, songs, and general cultural influences.
The exchange of vaygu’a is not done freely but adheres to strict limitations and regulations. Every man must obey definite rules regarding the geographical direction of his transactions. Both mwali and soulava are not received from the same partner. Every article moves in one direction only, never permanently stops, never comes back the same direction, and takes approximately two to ten years to make a round. Since no one keeps any pieces of vaygu’a for any amount of time ‘ownership’ is a special economic relation. A man enjoys temporary possession which allows him to draw a great deal of renown. Tribal discussions and gossip, in which feats and glory in Kula are replayed, add to the importance of this temporary ‘ownership.’ It is important to see that the Kula is not a form of battering but rather gifts, where the recipient is expected to adhere to definite social customs and replace it with a vaygu’a of equivalent value. When an equally valued mwali and soulava meet in the Kula and are exchanged it is said that these two are married. Black magic is often used if these customs are not followed and partners are offended. “When speaking about some celebrated vaygu’a, a native will praise its value in the words: ’Many men died because of it’ – which does not mean that they died in battle or fight, but were killed by black magic.” Thus the Kula is based on the Trobriand society’s’ belief in the importance of fairness and decency.
Bibliography
Malinowski, B. 1979. Essentials of the Kula; Technicalities of the Kula pp.162-171; 181-198; The Ethnography of Malinowski, M. Young ed London: RKP
