By the 1980s, the whole population was covered by the Authority’s VHF and UHF transmissions, and 98% of all homes, 20 million in total, had at least one television set and 62% could receive all three channels, ITV, BBC1 and BBC2. About 51 million people aged four and over, living in these homes, constitute the potential television audience in this country. The size of the actual audience and the average amount of viewing by individuals varies by season over the year, more viewing taking place in the winter than in the summer. The average ITV evening audience during the peak viewing hours of 7:30-10:30 for the year as a whole as 10 million people in 5.8 million homes. During the year 49% of total time spent watching ITV, 39% watching BBC1 and 12% watching BBC2. The set was switched each day for 2.5 hours to ITV, 2 hours to BBC1 and 0.6 hours to BBC2. Each person, on average, spent a total of 3.4 hours each day watching television, 1.7 hours being spent with ITV, 1.3 hours with BBC1 and 0.4 hours with BBC2. (Audit of Great Britain Limited)
From the television audience research, UK television consultancy 2000.The average UK viewer spent 3 hours 41 minutes per day in front of the TV set in 2000. Those that have already made the switch to a multi-channel platform watch 3 minutes more, while viewers still restricted to the analogue terrestrial channels watched around 1 minute less each day. In all three cases daily viewing has increased since 1996, going against anecdotal evidence that suggest people are finding other distraction to fill their time in the multimedia age.
Looking at all individuals gives an impression of the overall trend, but it masks the fact that the age of a viewer is likely to have an important bearing on the amount of time they spend glued to the TV. Across all TV homes (taking into account the percentage of the population who have multi-channel access), viewers aged over 65 watched 5 hours and 14 minutes of television per day. In contrast, viewers aged 16-24 watched for 2 hours and 55 minutes per day. In households that already have multi-channel access, this is leading to some significant trends.
The trends in viewing time in multi-channel homes has largely mirrored the trend in viewing time in analogue terrestrial homes, and in 1998 viewers in both types of home were watching the same amount of television each day. The advent of digital television has given multi-channel migration a boost, and this combined with the ever-increasing number of non-terrestrial channels (also boosted by the arrival of digital) has led to early signs of increased divergence between the viewing choice of multi-channel viewers and their analogue terrestrial counterparts.
Children aged 4-9 watched relatively little television. Since 1996, children aged 4-9 spend longer time each day watching multi-channel brands than analogue terrestrial brands. Over the last two years this gap has started to widen. They watched multi-channel brands 15 minutes more than the analogue terrestrial brands each day in 2000.
Children aged 10-15 are spend equal viewing time between the multi-channel and the terrestrial. The analogue terrestrial brands are holding out better among the youths aged 16-24, and the current rate it would take the multi-channel brands until 2011 to secure an equal amount of their viewing time.
This patterns continue throughout the aged group demographic- the older the aged group, the more resistant they seem to attraction offered by the multi-channel brands. It could be that older viewers are more set in their ways and are unwilling to break with viewing habits, or they may be not be as well provided for by the multi-channel brands as the younger viewers. However, the multi-channel should target the market to the older viewers aged more than 65. This is because they are the group that will spend more time in front of the TV since they pension.
In general a discussion of the psychology and demographic variables likely to influence television viewing.
From a literature review, Morley's study showed a strong male preference for 'factual' program such as news, current affairs and documentaries, and a female preference for fictional program, including romantic fiction in particular. Through some discussion with my current male course mate, most of them are agree to the term that stated by the Morley’s study. From their pass experience, they will only watch the Documentaries and the sport program during their free time even though they were together with their partners. For the female preferences, they were also stated that they were more prefer to spent their time on the soap comedy and the romance Morley also felt that this pattern was reinforced for men by a sense of guilt that watching TV is 'second best' to other more physically active leisure pursuits. When men watch fictional program, they also seem to prefer what they feel are more 'realistic' program (eg. 'realistic' sitcoms). Radway's research on women's reading has shown that many of the women she interviewed read romantic fiction as an escape from the continual demands of their work within and outside the home. Morley reported that the women he interviewed felt guilty about their enjoyment of romance or soaps on TV.
When women watch news program, they tend to prefer local rather than national news. Morley argues that this also reflects women's sense of domestic responsibility, for instance in keeping an eye on local crime in case it has implications for the family.
Regarding tastes in comedy, women in Morley's sample tended to reject 'zany' comedy (in particular, at the time, The Young Ones), whilst the men and teenagers tended to enjoy such comedies. Here Morley suggests that domestic disorder may not seem funny if domestic orderliness is your prime concern.
However, any tendencies for men and women to use TV in different ways can be easily oversimplified. Many modes of interaction with TV are shared by men and women, and other factors apart from gender may sometimes be more important. It results from the dominant model of gender relations in western society. Consequently, when there was World Cup football match that view on TV, the male viewers will be sure glued to the TV. During this time, the soap programs will not be able view by the female viewers. As a result, during the occasional the viewing of the soap programs will be reduced and the repeat of the football match viewing will be increase.
During the Christmas or New Year Term, the TV programs will also have a slightly change. Regarding the feedback from a questionnaires of the Web TV, the viewings of the programs such as the Christmas movies (Home Alones) and the cartoons seems like had a dramatically increase. In order to increase the viewing during the occasions, the Broadcasting Company will surely increase this type of program.
The social class and occupation of viewers will also influence the viewing of the TV programs. As example, the lawyer or the teacher will surely watch the documentaries news when they have time to watch the TV. The educational programs and the news programs will be increase.
The income of the viewer also can influence the viewing of his home. If the income of the family members is normal, the family can only watch the single broadcasting. On the other hand, if the income of the family is good, the family members will be able to pay for the multi-channel brands of TV viewing. Consequently, the family members will tend to watch the variables programs. As a result the viewing of the rich family will be high than the viewing in the poor family.
According to uses and gratifications theory, 'people pay attention to information that is useful for them in their daily pursuits or that provides psychological gratifications' (p. 127). In Graber's study, psychological gratifications were the major reason for participants selecting stories (hence the attention paid to human interest stories and those relevant to personal life-style). Some stories were selected because of job relevance or because they 'satisfied the need to act as a "good citizen" interested in important public affairs' (p. 128). Another gratification was the reduction of uncertainty concerning pending decisions (e.g. election information, weather, stock market and conditions in places to which participants expected to travel). Often the expected gratifications were not forthcoming: stories were often criticized for not giving the participants what they wanted.
Cognitive balance theorists argue that people avoid dissonant information - information that conflicts with their existing knowledge, attitudes and feelings or which they find disturbing or threatening. 'They seek out information that is reassuring and congruent with their beliefs' (p. 130). Graber's study showed some limited evidence for this theory. The participants often (but not always) rejected information that they found annoying or disturbing. And when the issue had become obtrusive both supportive and contradictory information tended to be rejected. However, sometimes people did adjust their beliefs in response to discordant information.
According to agenda-setting theories, people accept guidance from the media in determining what information is important. Media cues include frequent coverage and prominence. Media cues often influenced the attention paid by the participants to news stories, although they did not guarantee attention. 'Media agenda setting, to the degree that it does take place, is a powerful force in determining which problems are taken seriously and in providing the context within which policies and individuals will be judged' (p. 133). However, people ignore media cues when their minds are already made up, when they doubt the arguments presented or when the information is disturbing. Consequently, the people only watch the TV when they intend to watch.
Reference
Consumer Psychology for Marketing. G. Foxall and Ronald E.
Goldsmith 1994. Routledge.