What goes on behind the scenes at a television studio is just as important as what happens in front of the camera. This engineer is responsible for getting the show on the air and out to the viewing audience.

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What goes on behind the scenes at a television studio is just as important as what

happens in front of the camera. This engineer is responsible for getting the show on the

air and out to the viewing audience.

Television Comes to America, 1947-57

James L. Baughman

University of Wisconsin, Madison

When television finally came to America in the late 1940s, few could disguise their fascination with what some dubbed "the home screen." Many saw their first telecasts in bars, which won or retained customers by installing sets, often tuned to an early filler of the schedule, professional wrestling. In department store appliance departments and store windows, people stared at television sets and asked about prices and installation costs. Many entrepreneurs temporarily entered TV set retailing. In some localities, sets could be bought at beauty parlors, gas stations, and dry cleaners.

Television sales took off in the late 1940s following the start of individual stations in the largest cities. Only in such heavily populated places was the relatively high cost of starting and operating a station considered economically viable. TV set ownership thus initially possessed a big-city or, more accurately, metropolitan-area bias. Of the 102,000 TV sets in the United States in early 1948, two-thirds were in the New York area, from which most of the first TV stations operated. Those living more than seventy-five miles from such urban centers as New York, Chicago, St. Louis, Boston, or Los Angeles could do little more than read about TV. Living in South Dakota, the family of Tom Brokaw, the future NBC news anchor, did not have a TV until 1955. A year earlier, an unpublished NBC study indicated that only 9 percent of all homes in South Dakota had TV sets, compared to 66 percent of all Illinois homes.

The first buyers, in addition to living in or near large cities, were often well-to-do. Such people had the discretionary income and some fascination with what later came to be known as "new technologies." But their decision to buy sets frequently carried an additional cost. Relatives, friends, and neighbors groped for an excuse to drop by to watch TV. In what became "TV parties," the set owner was frequently expected to serve food and drink.

Although the poorest members of communities were among the last to purchase TVs, the upper-class bias to set ownership quickly changed. The number of homes with TVs increased from 0.4 percent in 1948 to 55.7 percent in 1954 and to 83.2 percent four years later. No other household technology, not the telephone or indoor plumbing, had ever spread so rapidly into so many homes. And TV had absorbed evenings that had once been spent reading, listening to the radio, or going to the movies. By the mid-1950s, wrote Leo Bogart, TV's first historian, "Television had established its place as the most important single form of entertainment and of passing the time."

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What happened? Some argue that the very coming of a technology like television explains its diffusion. This is a variation on what has been called "technological determinism," the theory that the mere presence of a technology accounts for its spread. Yet recent studies of the popularization of other new technologies in history, including the cheap "penny" newspapers and the telegraph, suggest that potential buyers of such services can and will, for a variety of reasons, resist using them. Consumers must have the time and income; or there must be cultural or social justifications for the purchase of what at ...

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