- Stabilization (often short term, linked to IMF)
- Structural Reform (reforms to change the economy, linked to World Bank)
These projects are formed so that they have an impact on all areas of poverty: these are schemes to improve agriculture, health, poverty, transport, energy, the private sector, urban areas and the environment.
Not only has the bank lent money to Zimbabwe but it has also completed economic reports every three years which evaluate the changes occurring in the economy, and help Zimbabwe to learn how to improve their strategies and schemes in order to make the most of the aid they were receiving. In June 1996 the Bank completed the countries first fiscal Management review, which is a clear example of how the Bank is encouraging Zimbabwe to understand their situation so that they can make improvements in the future. The aid which the Bank offers Zimbabwe is continuous and constant, and is not simply just given to the government, but actually planned and monitored so that it is used to make necessary changes within all areas of society.
Although it is clear that the World Bank has helped Zimbabwe when it was in need of financial support there are also many negative results from their actions. One of the more prominent examples was in 2001 in which the World Bank suspended funding to Zimbabwe due to a sixty-day period in which Zimbabwe failed to make a repayment to the bank. Although the suspension was lifted fairly rapidly when Zimbabwe paid their instalment the episode raised many issues. It firstly illustrated the complete dependence that Zimbabwe has on the World Bank, which triggers frightening questions as to the government’s capability to run the country. Although the World Bank was paid, Zimbabwe cannot draw down more money until other debt arrears have been paid off. This again shows that the World Bank is in control of Zimbabwean activities.
In order for the Zimbabwean government to make their repayment they had to rely upon ‘band-aid’, a term used to describe an extremely short-term solution to a crisis. In Zimbabwe’s case they earmarked and sold forward future productions of their gold and tobacco. This will also have serious long-term consequences, “especially due to the fact that the value of tobacco and gold has been depressed by the governments refusal to devalue to Zimbabwe dollar” ().
Although aid is given to Zimbabwe it is impossible to be completely confident that the money is being put to a good use. One project, which is still active, is the ‘Theatre for Africa Community Outreach programme for Conservation’. It is possible to question if the money would not be more useful in a family health centre or in an agricultural management scheme. Another problem with the aid given by the World Bank is based on the corruption that exists in Zimbabwe. The World Bank has four evaluation groups who monitor the projects and strategies:
- OED (operations evaluation department)
- OEG (operations evaluation group)
- QAG (quality assurance group)
- Inspection Panel
The groups all monitor and assess the schemes making sure that the aims are focused. However, it is impossible for all corruption to be prevented. The World Bank runs the QAG, and although the other groups are independent from the bank they have very few meetings, and the inspection panel is merely set up for citizens to complain about the effects of the projects once they have been established.
It is not critiques alone that are finding fault with the Banks policies and schemes. Roger Van Den Brink (a World Bank official) admitted that some policies attempted in Zimbabwe had failed. Even though he stresses that the reason for the failures was a result of the Government not implementing strategies effectively, he said:
“I have been asked by ministers, ordinary people and business people whether our policies have worked and I really have to admit that they have failed” (www.allafrica.com/stories/200104110253.htm)
This shows that the World Bank are willing to admit that some schemes are unsuccessful, which is not expected considering the number of evaluation groups who supposedly monitor the whole transformation of each project. Looking at World Banks statistics, that record projects they are currently undertaking, strengthens this idea. Only two projects that were planned in 1999 are still active, and five are in the pipeline. Selections of projects, such as the ‘multi-sectoral AIDS project’ have even been dropped. Another concern, as it is taking too long for the schemes to be activated. The agricultural management programme was agreed upon in September 1999 and has only recently been implemented. The majority of the projects that actually were implemented were only short term, and so their benefits limited. This factor again questions whether the World Banks aid is being used effectively enough for Zimbabwe to see a sufficient move away from poverty. The World Bank, as with many other donors are reducing their support in Zimbabwe. “Overall donor assistance to Zimbabwe was $219 million in 1999 compared to the estimated $37.5 million in 2001” (www.allafrica.com/stories/200301090017.html).
Another more obvious negative factor of the World Bank in comparison with other forms of aid is that the money has to be paid back. It is possible to argue that this is positive as it forces Zimbabwe to learn how to manage its finances, however it has also led to many long term problems as the government has to find desperate ways to pay off their debts. Therefore is giving Zimbabwe aid just creating a vicious circle?
It is clear that the World Bank has a very important role to play in Zimbabwe. Although there appear to be more negative consequences than positive results of the aid given it does not mean that the World Bank is not essential for the survival of Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe was in a state of desperation when it received loans from the Bank, and without the support of the Bank how would Zimbabwe have coped? Even though the World Bank is monitoring the money which it gives it is the Zimbabwe government and authorities, which are in control of their country. So therefore the negative results of the bank are mainly due to the fact that Zimbabwe has many other issues, such as serious political violence and corruption, and general discontentment throughout its people. So it is possible to question, who is responsible for the running of Zimbabwe, and should the World Bank be blamed for creating some negative long-term consequences when it is the fault of the government.
Non-governmental organisations and Aid in Zimbabwe
The purpose of this section is to examine the work and impact of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in Zimbabwe, in recent years. We have focused the study on two NGOs: Oxfam and Christian Aid. We chose these NGOs as they are both well established and globally recognised, but also because we wanted to examine their combination of operational (in times of crisis) and non-operational structures and policies. We felt Oxfam would be interesting to study because of the immense size and scale of its operation, (it works with over 3000 organisations around the world). This gives the organization the ability to be involved in many types of aid work. Christian Aid also intrigued us, as we are interested in the ecumenical aspect of its work.
The aims of this section are as follows:
- To see what the NGOs respective policies in regards to Zimbabwe are
- Establish what they feel are the core issues and problems
- Ask what they hope to achieve by being there
- Determine if they have specific agendas
- Illustrate examples of the relative NGO projects
Each NGO will be examined in turn before this section is concluded.
Oxfam
Oxfam states its purpose as, “strategic funders of development projects; providing emergency relief in times of crisis; and campaigning for social and economic justice” (Oxfam International Website, 2003). In relation to Zimbabwe, Oxfam believes that the nation’s problems stem from many areas but particularly from unfair distribution of land. This is not helped by colonial history, economic difficulties, corruption within government institutions and the obvious problems of drought. Oxfam feels a Structural Adjustment Programme that was put in place by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund in 1991 has exasperated these problems. Oxfam is frustrated by the way they have constricted government spending. Oxfam believes this has, “undermined much of the progress which Zimbabwe made during the first ten years of independence” (Oxfam Great Britain Website, 2003).
Oxfam’s involvement in Zimbabwe became significant when it opened its first office there on the eve of its independence in 1980. The Oxfam programme in Zimbabwe first focused on rebuilding basic services and infrastructure, which had been destroyed in the war of liberation. This has changed since the beginning of the 1990s, where the emphasis is now on helping people to gain secure livelihoods. The organization is also very much involved with advocating on behalf of the poor for more beneficial economic policies (Oxfam International Website, 2003). To achieve this Oxfam has worked with a number of partner organisations throughout Zimbabwe as it feels a multi-faceted and grassroots approach is very important. These have often concentrated on helping farmers in rural areas and lobbying the government to implement fairer policies. Examples of grassroots organisations that Oxfam work with are, the Chitungwiza Integrated Youth Survival Alternative Project (CHIYSAP); the Association of Women’s Clubs (AWC) and the partner that we have particularly looked at the Zimbabwe Civic Education Trust (ZIMCET). Also through its Fair Trade Programme, Oxfam supports small-scale craft producers, who are encouraged to use traditional skills and local materials.
We feel ZIMCET illustrates particularly well what Oxfam hopes to achieve in relation to the huge problem of political violence in Zimbabwe, i.e. to get to its root cause. ZIMCET’s work involves projects such as projects to promote peace, which involve getting supporters of the opposing political parties to work together to show them that they are not that different, and may in actual fact want the same things. Their work began and continues to be very much local community based but ZIMCET now has the ability, power and support to lobby the government. Oxfam say they feel ZIMCET’s strength lies with, “the close alliances they strive hard to forge with traditional leaders in their peace-building initiative” (Oxfam America Website, 2002).
In 2001 Oxfam became unintentionally caught up in political matters in Zimbabwe, as it was one of the aid agencies accused of using food aid to campaign for President Mugabe’s opposition, the Movement for Democratic Change. In late 2002 there was an actual ban on Oxfam distributing World Food Program aid. Africa Online (2002) quotes Jane Cocking, Oxfam’s regional program manager in Zimbabwe, as urging the government to lift this ban. We feel this shows the extent of Oxfam’s work in Zimbabwe, that is if the President feels threatened by their presence.
Christian Aid
Christian Aid states that its main purpose is, “to expose the scandal of poverty and to contribute to its eradication” (Christian Aid Website, 2003). It also states that it helps people regardless of religion. The organization concentrates on four main areas: food security; health; rights and peace building and reconciliation. Christian Aid strives for the vast majority of its work to be non-operational, as it believes, “local people in poor countries are in the best position to understand the causes of their problems and how to resolve them” Christian Aid Website, 2003). Hence they work through various partners in Zimbabwe, aiding them by providing the relevant resources.
Christian Aid feels the problems in Zimbabwe are a combination of humanitarian, economic and political. The food shortages that the country has been suffering from in recent years are not simply due to poor weather but government decisions, which limit farmers right and therefore constricted their yields. Christian Aid states that some of its partners feel the nation’s problems stem from unfair land distribution, whilst other partners believe violation of human rights is the vital issue. Christian Aid, the organization adds to this with their own view that the extremely high HIV/AIDS rate, thought to be as high as 33.7 per cent in adults (UNAIDS, 2002), reduces the population’s ability to cope with food shortage.
Christian Aid’s main hope is to ease the huge food shortage in Zimbabwe. Since September 2001 the organization has, through its partner Christian Care, been directing a schools feeding programme in the provinces of Manicaland and Masvingo, with additional funds from the UK Department for International Development (DFID). It has also in February 2003 given funds to another partner, the Dabane Trust, to provide emergency food aid to 80 000 households in rural Matabeland.
As for specific agendas we feel Christian Aid, despite its claim of aiding those poverty stricken regardless of religion, hold a strong preference to work with partners who are church or ecumenical linked. This was particularly highlighted by the quote in reference to Zimbabwe, “We are continuing to co-ordinate ecumenically- through the World Council of Churches (WCC)…how we might best respond to the situation through the ecumenical family” (Christian Aid Website, 2003). We feel this shows that although Christian Aid are unquestionably doing good work in Zimbabwe, their preference to work within the ‘ecumenical family’ infers some kind of agenda.
We feel that both organizations have taken the most appropriate approach to aid in Zimbabwe by working through partner organizations. Due to the nation’s political turmoil and history of unrest we feel people who actually live in the area and therefore know its needs and culture are in a far better situation to assess what should be done to alleviate poverty. However Christian Aid’s preference to work with mainly church organizations does seem a little unfair. We understand their religious beliefs and motivations for helping but we do not believe that ecumenical organizations should be favoured over non-ecumenical ones. However we feel it is obvious that without these and other NGO’s efforts Zimbabwe’s people would endure even more suffering.
Governments, Politics and Aid
As we have already established flows of aid can be distributes to third world countries from a number of sources including NGO's, the World Bank and governments. The activities of governments can help or hinder aid, as politics and aid are intrinsically linked. This is why it is very important to look at governmental activity in relation to Zimbabwe’s recent economic and humanitarian crisis. We firstly wish to establish if governments are the best way of providing and distributing overseas aid and what their motives and political agenda's are for doing so. We then will specifically analyse Zimbabwe's situation and establish how new government policies have injured democratic institutions and impeded overseas aid from other governments to the country. We will also look at the effect of these policies on the people of Zimbabwe and what needs to be done to try and resolve the situation.
People often look to governments to give aid on an international basis, as the government is an institution with the resources capable of dealing with such large-scale operations. (Mosley. 1987). However if governments are the best institution for distributing overseas aid is debatable. The motives of NGO's and the general public's donations towards the third world countries in the form of aid is largely compassion and a desire to help. However government aid often holds political agenda's and selfish motives. For example.
- Foreign and defence ministries have seen aid as a means of winning and holding the political support of third world countries.
- Trade and employment ministries have seen aid as a means of winning a foothold in the market of the third world, hence creating jobs at home.
- Overseas development ministries have seen aid as a means of promoting growth in third world countries for the benefit of both those countries and the world economy.
(Mosley. 1987)
So governments can be politically side-tracked and aid isn't necessarily given to the people who need it the most. The problem in Zimbabwe however, is that it is their own government that is preventing aid from penetrating and relieving the food crisis.
As a result of drought many countries in South Africa are facing food shortages, but many have blamed the recent famine in Zimbabwe on the government, as they feel it has been politically induced. A UN relief agency called the country a 'humanitarian nightmare' as 'food is seen as a weapon in domestic politics'
(www.thereporter.us/conway.html). Although the food crisis is a result of drought it has definitely been worsened by government policies. Two years ago, the Zanu-PF government passed new laws allowing expropriation of land without compensation and began encouraging land-less peasants to occupy commercial farmland. Zanu-PF then said that over the following five years it planned to take 'compulsory' five million of the fourteen million hectares of land, 'our country's most fertile', held by white commercial farmers (www.allafrica.com). This has resulted in farms being much less productive.
The government’s aggressive land acquisition plans haven't been the only disastrous new policies the Zimbabwean government has implemented in recent years. The United Nations has said that policies have made food delivery very difficult. In June 2002 the Zimbabwean government refused 10,000 tonnes of maize from the United States of America because it was genetically grown. More than half of Zimbabwe's 12 million population, are now facing starvation. There are also 'constraints on the quality and consistency of macro-economic policies effecting private sector investment' (. Such policies have greatly effected food production. There are also price controls on food staples and the continued influence on parastatal enterprises and monopolies, which have lead to Zimbabwe losing its position as a net exporter of grain.
Late last year Mugabe's government banned private imports of maize and wheat and gave the parastatal Grain Monetary Board a monopoly on the purchase and sale of both grains. Price controls have lead to private trades losing interest in importing basic foods. All this has greatly exacerbated the food crisis as such policies hinder aid and humanitarian assistance. These are just a few of the most detrimental policies Mugabe's government has introduced to Zimbabwe. Many others have been greatly damaging to the countries economy, such as new exchange controls, price freeze and tough foreign currency regulations. These combined have lead to Zimbabwe experiencing rapid economic decline.
The UN are desperately protesting against the Zimbabwean government to drop all damaging policies, the only way they see to a sustainable recovery for the country. However, a sustainable recovery still seems a little ambitious for a country rife with HIV, aids, cholera and now also under the threat of starvation. As the Zimbabwean government policies aren't only destroying the economy and food production they are also hindering aid to their own people.
The IMF suspended economic aid to Zimbabwe in 1999 as the government has defaulted several times on previous IMF and other foreign loans due to a critical shortage of foreign currency. The suspension of aid from the IMF has blocked billions of dollars from other donors. . The Humanitarian situation report states 'The government of Zimbabwe needs to encourage greater private sector participation in grain importation to maximise erratic food and receipts from donors' (.
The commonwealth troika meeting on Zimbabwe in Pretoria last March wasn't a great success as African and Australian leaders failed to agree on further action to take to make Mugabe tackle the economic crisis, food shortages and land reform policies. Mbeki and Obasanjo closed ranks on Howard to oppose Zimbabwe's full suspension from the commonwealth. The two African leaders seemed to be supporting Mugabe on the international platform as they wish to give him more time to sort out the situation. Howard thought they should have suspended Mugabe forthwith. Greg Mills, director of South African Institute of International Affairs said 'it was clear Pretoria was reluctant to act against Harare'. He states, 'the reasons relate to the weaknesses of South Africa's own political structures, which are apparently still too fragile in racial terms for the government to risk a more, direct interventionist role' (www.theindependent.co.zw/news/2003/analysis.html).
Some aid is still getting through to Zimbabwe but it is falling short of the amount needed, governmental co-operation is still a key obstacle. The governmental policies have not only hindered aid from penetrating Zimbabwe but have lowered business confidence and damaged the countries relationship with the international community. George. W. Bush, President of the United States has suspended the entry of immigrants and non-immigrants to persons responsible for policies that threaten Zimbabwe's Democratic Institution and transition to a Multi-party democracy, to the U.S. (.
So there is hope for Zimbabwe if government policies are changed to allow the countries economy to start recovering, food production be resumed by commercial farmers and aid to be allowed to reach the hardest hit areas. However despite pressure from UN agencies the government has declined permission for nutritional surveys that would help target the worst areas. Mugabe's government has so far shown no signs of reforming or apologising for their devastating governing of the country. Some may think that the only way forward now is interference from the UN against Mugabe's reforms, by force if necessary. However, as the world's media turns its attention to the next humanitarian crisis, less pressure is on other governments to help or interfere and as yet nothing has been resolved except the fact that millions are now facing starvation.
Corruption
Zimbabwe’s whole political system is based on a system of corrupt and erroneous people. However, it is not only the political system that is based on corruption. Everyday society revolves around the corrupt working of life, so much so that women are often disadvantaged, as they do not have the power or money to bribe. As a result, things often turn sexual. This type of corruption makes gender equality an even harder task.
As previously mentioned, there is wide spread corruption in the political systems of Zimbabwe. The recent elections were overshadowed by the violent crime surrounding them, with the intimidation of Zimbabweans into voting of Mugabe’s party. There is also a huge amount of corruption in the National Oil Company of Zimbabwe, though this has been a topic of great discussion in recent times.
The media has a huge influence in the ways in which specific topics are presented and viewed. They have the power to sway thinking depending on how they depict a story or situation. So if this is such an important factor in a democratic society, should the government own this type of median? In order for a fair and real image to be shown it is important that no political party has control over the press, television or radio, however this is the case in Zimbabwe. Only journalists that hold a license to practice journalism in Zimbabwe may be published or aired. In other words, only supporters of Mugabe and the land reform have the ‘right’ to be heard.
It is not to say that it is only the Zimbabwe society that has corruption, even aid workers sent to Zimbabwe from other countries have been found to be undertaking corrupt and wrong deals. Female refugees were selling them sexual favours in return for food. When a country is so heavily corrupted human rights and democracy are easily ignored.
Why is there such corruption?
Zimbabwe has so many problems with corruption due to huge inflation and poor wages in the formal sector, as well as the informal, mean that it has become very difficult to support a family in the present economy. Doing deals for friends has become the only way to survive. The reason the government are corrupt, is so that they stay in power. In controlling the media, food supply and democratic elections, they hold great power over millions of people. If these people were well fed and living in a good society, there might be a revolution and the present government would be overturned. By having the power over them, the government is able to control the country as more of a dictatorship than a democracy.
Conclusion
We have found that giving and receiving aid is much more complex than it is perceived and it often raises more humanitarian issues than it solves. Although without it many third world countries including Zimbabwe would be a lot worse off. However which forms of Aid benefit Zimbabwe the most is still debatable. NGO’s aren’t profit driven like the World Bank or corrupt like some Governments, yet even their aid doesn’t always solve development problems. Aid is important in supporting Zimbabwe in making changes to its economic, social and environmental problems, however as we have seen it is not aid alone that will make effective changes. Much of the responsibility lies with the government and Zimbabwean authorities. Giving aid to countries like Zimbabwe therefore has limited results, as corruption and governmental policies have had a detrimental impact on the economy and impeded aid reaching those who need it the most.
References.
Mosley, P (1987) Overseas Aid: Its Defence and Reform. The Harvester Press Publishing Group. Sussex.
Clay, E. and Stokke, O. (1991) Food Aid Reconsidered, assessing the impact on third world countries, Frank Cass, London
Bennett, Jon (1987) The Hunger Machine, Polity Press, Oxford
Cloke.P, Crang.P, and Goodwin.M (1999). Introducing Human Geography, Arnold, London.
Mayhew, Susan. (1997) Dictionary of Geography, Oxford University Press, Oxford
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