Institutionalised racism and how it manifests in contemporary Britain.

Institutionalised racism and how it manifests in contemporary Britain

In this essay I will be defining institutionalised racism; furthermore I will be looking at how it manifests itself in contemporary Britain. I will begin the essay with defining institutionalised racism.

“Racism exists within all organizations and institutions… it infiltrates the community and starts among the very young.” William Macpherson Report (1999)

Institutionalized racism: Racism that is inherent within the structure, regulations and function of an institute. Racism is prejudice plus power. It is manifested by the "privileged race" through social and institutional structures that re-enforce and maintain the privilege and oppression. (Institutionalized racism, http://thelink.concordia.ca/features/03/02/11/0320213.shtml)

Racism is the belief in the superiority of one people or nation over another. It is a narrow-mindedness that has evolved over history, and is not limited to one particular manifestation. For more than two decades, anti-racists have struggled to put the issue of institutional racism on the agenda (Back 2000) In the period from the Scarman inquiry of the early 1980s through to the last few months, the accepted wisdom was that police racism existed but it was a case of 'a few rotten apples'. To root out racism, all that was needed was a combination of better training and more ethnic minority coppers.

People of colour face institutionalized racism that concentrates poverty and disadvantage in their communities and often denies them opportunities for meaningful participation in British public life. Institutionalized racism denies equal access to basic areas of daily life--services, opportunities and education. The battle against institutionalized racism has only been half won. With references to the desegregation of the schools in America, the dismantling of institutionalized apartheid in South Africa, provide a lesson only in so far as they delineate the strategy of white power structures in maintaining their privilege by granting limited concessions. The fact is that these limited concessions, which come as the result of the sustained resistance of the oppressed and dehumanized, are granted only when it becomes apparent to the oppressor that they provide the only alternative to a prolonged revolt that may bring about the death of white privilege (Jacobs 2000)
The Macpherson report sought to investigate events surrounding the death of the Stephen Lawrence the black teenager who was stabbed at a bus stop in south-east London in April 1993. The blatant failure of London's police to properly investigate the 1993 stabbing death of 17-year-old Stephen Lawrence and the arrogance of the five white youths accused of his killing have given racism an explosive energy. None of the suspects has been convicted. The report denounced London's police force as fundamentally racist - prompting the Government to announce it would broaden anti-discrimination laws and make immediate changes in policing methods. Sir William Macpherson (now retired) led the public inquiry into the Metropolitan Police Department, ultimately determining that institutional racism and police prejudice served to undermine justice for Stephen Lawrence and minorities in general.

Ethnic minorities, mainly descendants of immigrants from India, Pakistan and other

former colonies in the Caribbean now make up almost 7 percent of Britain's 56 million people (Solomos 1996) but they are still poorly represented in many fields, including the military, police and the media. Race relations have clearly deteriorated since the McPherson report pulled the veil away from the public’s eyes on the British establishments best kept secret, institutional racism. Institutional racism is shown in the clear patterns of differential policing meted out on a systematic basis against black people. The whole criminal justice system then compounds those racist patterns. Black events, black areas, black meeting places are targeted for special policing. Black people are four to five times more likely to be stopped and searched. In the last ten years, 35 black people have died in police custody in suspicious circumstances. (Parrekh 2000) When black people complain of about their rights, the whole criminal justice system - from the Police Complaints Authority and the Crown Prosecution Service to the judiciary - compounds the racism by closing ranks. No one gets found guilty of racism, no one gets suspended or punished and charges are never brought following a violent death in custody. All of these practices point to an institutional culture of racism nurtured in the top ranks, spread through the canteen culture and reinforced in the unhealthily close relationship between police press officers and the press. As a result, black people are rarely seen as victims of crime, which in turn means that racial violence is never taken seriously enough.

Last year, the Household Division, an elite army unit that guards Queen Elizabeth II,

was accused of ``institutionalized racism'' and ordered to boost recruitment of

minorities. Home Secretary Jack Straw has also told every police force in the nation

to hire more Asian and black officers.

Racism in Britain is systematic discrimination against people of color. It is institutionalized – it is built into British society. For example, in mid-2001, 5% whites were unemployed vs. 12% blacks. For Pakistanis & Bangladeshis, it was 18%. Black children are more likely to excluded from school than white. The police in every part of Britain are more likely to pick on blacks than white. Blacks are more likely to be sent to prison than white for the same offense. (Parekh Report 2000)

There are thousands of racial incidents each year (harassment, ...

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to hire more Asian and black officers.

There are thousands of racial incidents each year (harassment, attacks, killings, deaths in custody). 23,000 such incidents were reported to and recorded by the police in England & Wales (Parekh Report, pg 127) but of course far more incidents are not reported. The fact that assaults & killings involving Blacks & Asians evoke so little media interest and public outrage is the clearest indicator that racism is taken for granted in the UK and Europe.

The very presence of a black person is enough to trigger race hate and provoke an attack (as in case of Stephen Lawrence).

The constant racist harassment, abuse and discrimination encountered by Black people in their daily lives create great mental and psychological distress, loss of self-worth and a barrier to total fulfillment. Eradicating racism does not require bureaucracies, special departments, lofty intellectual analysis. What’s called for is a change of heart, an acknowledgment of the common humanity of all people. Racism is ultimately sanctioned or tolerated by those with power. Supporting victims is fine but that is dealing with the effects. “Without recognizing that racism is institutional ingrained in legislation and in administrative polices at central and local level, all the equal opportunity policies in the world are doomed to failure.” (Back 2000)

A productive debate on race & equality must address the causes that give life to racism and to the principal entities that fuel discrimination and race crime.

The state has the greatest power to oppress minorities in many ways. State racism must be the priority and we need to be alert about the deflection of the core issues by state officials. Others who fuel racism are the media, the politicians (playing the race card) and racist & fascist parties like the BNP & NF.

Institutional discrimination by employers, state bodies (including immigration, police, courts, prisons) is the bedrock of the racist system.

Institutional racism is still systemic in Britain’s police forces, politics and the media…deaths in custody are disproportionately high for ethnic minorities… (there are) consistent inflammatory attacks on migrants and asylum seekers to the Uk..
(Report from the 43-nation Council of Europe April 2001)

Politicians and the national media (nearly all of them rightwing) have little sympathy for minorities and in fact have stoked up race hate by railing against the weakest and most vulnerable (asylum seekers, state benefit holders, etc). For example to improve the immigration process. Some groups, however, have expressed about it. For example they fear that this plan will allow immigration officers more power than before to detain and increase the number of asylum seekers whose appeals have been refused. Also, one idea was to place more checks by liaison officers at the ports and airports of the countries that the asylum seekers are leaving. This, some people believe, would prevent genuine asylum seekers being able to flee their country where human rights violations may be taking place. Even though the number of people seeking asylum in UK is not as large as some other countries in Europe, UK's current process means that the prison-like asylum centres house people who may be waiting up to seven years before their case can be heard. No senior politician or church cleric will publicly condemn a race attack or death in police custody, or attend the funeral of the victim or condole with the relatives. In January 03, Det Cons Stephen Oakes was killed by a ‘terrorist’ while he was making inquiries. PM Tony Blair attended the funeral. A racist killing does not invite attendance of a senior politician at his funeral. (Racism in Britain, 16th Oct 2003, ) The pervasive racism within the police force cited by Macpherson is not simply a reflection of a general phenomenon within society. In a nation such as Britain with an imperial past, racism is an essential means through which workers are divided and their oppression is maintained. When it was thought that the public inquiry would primarily concentrate on the actions of a few racist thugs, the establishment and its media were happy to lend their support. However, they will not tolerate anything that throws a question mark over their most cherished institutions.

In my view Ethnic Minorities legitimately expect from the State & the Media to co-exist as equals with the indigenous people of Britain, t heir histories and achievements to be given due recognition in education, public libraries furthermore o have reasonable access to the media and be depicted fairly, to be treated justly by the police & other bodies and to feel safe and secure in their homes and in public places.

For example, a government report, Ethnicity & Victimization (1998), found that “Asians avoid pubs, night clubs and football matches because they are terrified of racist violence”. Likewise, the fear of late night traveling deters many going to the theatre or cinema.

Racial attacks, far from decreasing in their regularity, have shown a sharp increase in Britain over recent years. Specifically targeted has been the indigenous Muslim population, the memories of Badrul Mia and Shawkat Ali are still fresh in our minds. Statistics show that Muslims suffer the worst housing, highest unemployment, largest refusal of political asylum and highest rate of racist murders. Another problem is that narrowing the fight against racism to the question of violence alone abandons the problem of a racist capitalist society itself. Instead, removed from the context of a racist society, racist attacks are portrayed as a problem of individual psychology. Racial violence can become a blanket term for any violence between people of different races--so that Blacks are seen to be as capable as whites of racist attacks. Racist violence loses its specific meaning, as violence caused by racial oppression, and becomes just another crime.

The Commission for Racial Equality, in a 1994 study of unlawful segregation in housing by Oldham Borough Council, found that 71% of tenants on one rundown estate were Asian, while on a nearby modern estate only one resident was Asian. So-called "freedom of the press" has allowed the government to create an atmosphere of hatred towards Muslims and Islam and has acted as a good excuse to bomb innocent Muslims in Sudan, Afghanistan and Iraq thereby fulfilling Britain's apartheid foreign policy and protecting their interests overseas. Branded as fundamentalists and militants every sincere Muslim is in danger of being arrested and harassed in today's Britain.

Racism is an integral part of western culture, especially in the English speaking countries… It should not be seen as a deviancy from the norms of the culture but central to it.” S. Fernando, “Mental Health, Race & Culture” (Macmillan 1991)

Minorities are ‘kept in their place’ by

- excluding them from positions of power in state & private institutions,
- severely restricting their access to the media,
- having their reality being defined by ‘experts’, having to put up with the stereotypes &
misinformation propagated by the media,
- condoning discriminatory treatment by the police & courts,
- having to live with a social environment of hostility, fear and insecurity.

Parekh Report: The Future of Multi-Ethnic Britain (Profile Books 2000)

Some guidelines
Public education programmers, clever posters or pious exhortations will not eradicate a virus so deeply entrenched over centuries. Fundamental & systemic changes are called for.

· Attitudes must change - not by race awareness training (RAT) but anti-racist training (ART),

· Recruitment & promotion practices must be based on merit, not on race or class,

· Minorities must define their own reality, not be interpreted by ‘experts’,

· The market driven media (which do so much thinking for the people) need to present a fairer & more balanced picture of minorities & Third World societies,

· Racist organizations should be banned - as recommended by the UN Committee (1993),

· Minorities must feel safe and at ease in public places,

· They must not feel targeted by the police,

· Race crimes must be taken seriously,

Sir Bill Morris, the General Secretary of the Transport and General Workers' Union (TGWU), has accused British ministers of "pandering" to racism.

He also condemned ministers over what he described as a "silent conspiracy" to bury efforts to tackle institutionalised racism in Britain, nearly five years after Lord Macpherson's report into the killing of Stephen Lawrence.

In an interview with ePolitix.com, Sir Bill Morris said society faces a battle to prevent the government pandering to people who are "quite frankly racist".

He however also stated there was collective cabinet responsibility. He stated, “They have collective responsibility. We have a Cabinet government, so I hold government responsible. That is one area of policy where I disagree with government”.

Speaking to epolitix, Sir Bill Morris said: “The battle that we have to fight is to make sure that the government doesn't pull back on its commitment. I believe there is an almost silent conspiracy to jettison the report of Lord Macpherson, who identified institutionalised racism as a factor which inhibits the growth and progress and development of black people taking their rightful place as managers, as leaders...”. It is accepted by most in Britain that the Macpherson report for the first time ensured that the issue of racism in some of Britain’s institutions was clearly identified and addressed.

News & Letters, July 2001

Asian youths fight racism in Britain

London--The pretensions of the main political parties to keep race out of the general election campaign last month were blown apart in Oldham by the forced entry onto the agenda of the day by those on the receiving end of the racist reality. For three nights in early June, Oldham, in Lancashire, Northern England was rocked by a spontaneous act of rebellion in which Asian youth fought running battles first with neo-Nazis, then with the Greater Manchester Police. The reverberations of the youth uprising continued with major confrontations in the city of Leeds days later and in the neighboring town of Burnley on June 23 and 24.

The action was sparked by gangs of far right thugs attacking houses and people on the street. A pregnant woman was kicked in the stomach. As the police were nowhere to be seen, "when it came to our doorstep people defended themselves" as one youth put it.

Ashid Ali, of the Oldham Bangladeshi Youth Association, declared, "We had a community here that had been boiling up and this was the spark that started the fire." When the police did arrive in force they began arresting the Asian youth, who then turned their rage against the police.

Ateeq Siddique, an anti-racist activist in Bradford, Yorkshire added, "What's happening in Oldham isn't about so-called 'racial tensions.' It's about naked, violent racism: the racism of the far Right and the racism institutionalised within the police force."

The high vote for the British National Party across Oldham represents, to quote one bourgeois paper, a "carnival of regression." Despite this, the aspiration to working class unity remains a core principle of socialism; but the problem in Oldham, and elsewhere, does not simply, as most of the Left argues, arise from the bosses' traditional tactic of divide and conquer; our class is already conquered and at present we are not even within striking distance of the bourgeoisie.

The prevailing misconception is that the cause is of something outside, alien to this society, in particular the presence of the fascists. There is no doubt that the activity of the tiny fascist groups with three election candidates in Oldham has been a major contribution to the racism. Furthermore BNP candidates in two Oldham constituencies polled 11% and 16% of the vote from local whites and that percentage is several times more than anyone in the Socialist Alliance got anywhere in England and Wales.

Whilst that is disturbing enough, the fact cannot be ignored that the SA did not see themselves as capable of meeting the racist challenge in the Oldham except by ANL deliveries of "Don't Vote Nazi" leaflets. In fact, the phenomenon of a fascist revival in the election is rooted in the decomposition of old-Labourist class politics and its replacement by Blairism. Because New Labour has expunged the idea of class struggle in its ranks, it tries to explain away the problems of the working class as an "attitude problem"; resistance and struggle rather than "upward mobility" as an option for working class communities is not on the agenda. (Oldham has, after all, stood by the Labour Party for years.)

Nor evidently is it on the agenda of the Trotskyist Left who, in the Oldham elections, decided not to field a candidate and thus effectively tail-ended New Labour in the cause of "anti-fascist unity."

In reality New Labour acts as if the white working class was born racist and as such should be demonised, attacked and excluded from the Third Way vision of England. Thus Blair and company claim that Oldham is an exception, and they have one solution: police repression, which is in any case racially biased. That's reflected in the prison population in the UK which is now 20% non-white.

It should not be forgotten that 19th century Oldham and Lancashire as a whole ere bastions of radical Chartism and working class solidarity with the anti-slavery Abolitionist cause in the USA. Remnants of this tradition have been expressed by the postal workers' union who challenged the legal mass distribution of racist literature during the election campaign. And Paul Hargreaves of the Fire Brigades Union, addressing the urgency to "stamp out racism and the fascists," rightly noted, "The police aren't going to stop them. It's up to us."

The report of the public inquiry into the racist killing of Stephen Lawrence in 1993, published yesterday afternoon, had already provoked a bitter reaction from the British establishment and its media, after it was leaked to the Daily Telegraph on Sunday.

What drew their fire was not the catalogue of police incompetence and deliberate obstruction that had enabled the killers of the black student to walk free. The pro-Conservative newspapers--along with the Conservative opposition in Parliament--levelled their wrath at the chairman of the inquiry Lord Macpherson's statement that "institutionalised racism" exists in the police force.

The sections of the report leaked in advance warn that there "must be an unequivocal acceptance of the problems of institutionalised racism", which it defines as "the collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their colour, culture or ethnic origin".

This goes against earlier claims by Metropolitan Police Commissioner Paul Condon that no such racism exists in the London force. Macpherson stresses that institutionalised racism must be addressed and that any police chief "who feels unable to so respond will find it extremely difficult to work in harmony and co-operate with the community in the way that policing by consent demands". One of the 70 recommendations made by the inquiry is for the police to be brought under the remit of the Race Relations Act, from which they are currently excluded, making them liable to compensation claims for discrimination.

The Daily Telegraph spearheaded the media backlash, characterised by its overt appeals to right-wing sentiment and demands for law and order to be preserved. They denounce conservative judge Lord Mcpherson as a radical, and his report as a concession to those with an "anti-police" agenda. All the major papers insisted that Condon should not be forced to resign.

Macpherson "seems set to produce a document that could have come from a Looney-Left London borough circa 1981," railed the Telegraph. The issue of police racism, they wrote, is "too important to be left to the zealots of political correctness ... the Lawrence report now threatens to destroy the effectiveness of the police."

The Evening Standard cited an anonymous Queens Counsel (barrister) who said the police should have told Macpherson, "because of the extreme pressure on you to appear to be even-handed, thus intensifying the pressure on you to go against the police, you really ought to excuse yourself from the inquiry."

The Times said the report was in danger of producing "a defensive passivity among the police", whilst the Daily Express declared, "The idea that the entire Metropolitan force should be made to grovel in public, and be compelled to sit through racial re-education classes and sensitivity seminars, is monstrous." The police, they added, "are hamstrung by a criminal law designed to make their job harder and a Home Secretary who is more interested in persecuting newspapers than in building the dozens of new prisons we need."

The severity of this reaction even prior to the report's publication is striking.

The Lawrence case provoked outrage amongst wide layers of the population. Stephen's parents, Neville and Doreen, were forced to take out a private prosecution in 1995 after the Crown Prosecution Service claimed there was insufficient evidence to try the five youth suspected of his murder: Luke Knight, Gary Dobson, David Norris, Neil and Jamie Acourt. But the case was thrown out by the judge without being put to a jury, on the basis that evidence central to the case was "contaminated and flawed".

It was in an attempt to placate the deep feelings of injustice and to restore confidence in the police and judicial system that the incoming Labour government convened the Macpherson inquiry in 1997. The opposite effect, however, was achieved.

Despite its limited remit, the public inquiry confirmed that the police had failed to act on eyewitness accounts of Stephen's murder for several days, had failed to arrest suspects, had failed to secure forensic evidence and reacted with hostility to the Lawrence family. Subsequently, the police had sought to cover up their failings. Questions were also raised regarding connections between police officers and the criminal father of one of the accused.

All of this served to reinforce anger against racist thuggery in general, and fed a growing distrust in the police--due to their constant harassment of black people and a large number of the black deaths in police custody, including Joy Gardner, Brian Douglas, Wayne Douglas and Shije Lapite.

For months the same media, which now denounces the inquiry, solidarised itself with the Lawrences' plight. The Daily Mail, a paper infamous for its support for fascism in the 1930s, took the unprecedented step of naming the five suspects as murderers, challenging them to sue. It described this gesture as an example of "crusading journalism" and its commitment to put right an injustice. In contrast, yesterday it issued a full-page comment warning that the Lawrences' "cause may now be overtaken by a kind of politically correct McCarthyism".

How does one account for the outrage provoked by the charge of institutional racism in the police? The Mail portrays Macpherson's report as a challenge not only to the police, but to the very fabric of British society. "If the police are institutionally racist," it asks "must not the same be true of the Home Office, which controls the Force? And of the Government, which controls the Home Office? And indeed of the British people, who elect the government? The logic of Sir William's assessment is that the whole country is institutionally racist."

The police force is neither a public service nor a representative of society. Its fundamental purpose is to defend the social and political interests of the ruling class. To do that it must stand above society and outside of its control. The police are not accountable to Parliament, let alone the British people. Not only are they exempt from race discrimination legislation, but only they have the power to investigate themselves regarding any other violation of civil and democratic rights. Every attempt to change this has been fiercely resisted by the British establishment, and it will continue to do so.