Gender is another source of unequal political participation. There are many explanations for gender differences in participation. It could be that the dominance of male representatives may be the result of a long-standing traditional view of politics being male oriented. Canada’s Parliament and legislatures were not designed with women in mind; indeed, women were expressly excluded from them, since they were created at a time when women were denied the right to vote or run for office. Although legal barriers to women’s participation in electoral politics have been removed, female legislators continue to describe legislatures as “men’s clubs” (Trimble & Arscott, 2003). Men are more likely to be active politically, although this is changing as women gain greater economic and social equality. “Traditionally women participated in political parties and elections as support workers, doing many of the necessary routine tasks such as compiling polling lists, identifying supporters, and addressing envelopes. Often women are appointed as secretaries for party associations. Considerable changes have occurred in the past twenty years, but women still face a difficult challenge to become significant players in the political arena” (Joseph, 2001). It is argued that men still hold a disproportionate share of the top jobs in public life, thus revealing a gendered leadership gap. The continued underrepresentation of women reflects a profound democratic deficit in Canada – a flaw in the democratic political system that diminishes its effectiveness and legitimacy. “The number of women elected to Canada’s national, provincial, and territorial legislatures in the five most recent elections suggests that a plateau has been reached with the levels of women’s representation converging across the country at roughly 20 per cent of seats. This is a political variant of the glass ceiling women have experienced in business and public-sector employment” (Trimble & Arscott).
The status of the world’s women has improved dramatically in the twentieth century, but there is a long way to go before gender equality will be reached socially and politically. “The UN’s 1995 Human Development Report says that on every continent women work longer hours, earn less money and are more likely to live in poverty than men. It estimates that 70 percent of the world’s poor are women. In 1994, more than a quarter of all women 65 and older lived below the poverty line in Canada, compared with 11 percent of men their age” (Jackson & Jackson, 1998). When analyzing differences in political activity an aspect that is often overlooked is that these differences disappear when occupation and education are controlled. “Gender differences among college-educated men and women, and among men and women with similar professional occupations, are virtually nonexistent. This suggests that gender differences in most conventional political activities, stem more from early socialization experiences than from overt discrimination or even role differences. In this regard, access to a university education may play an especially critical role in liberating women from traditional political roles. Unfortunately, only a minority of women attend college, and the percentage has increased only slightly since the early 1970s” (Mishler & Clarke, 1995).
Socio-economic status plays an immense role in political participation. The largest and most consistent differences in political activity in Canada are those associated with citizens’ positions in society. Generally the higher the socioeconomic status of an individual, the more likely she or he will be active in the political system. This is because those in the middle and upper classes tend to take a greater interest and involvement in politics because their occupations frequently involve them in managerial decision-making, policy setting, and working within government guidelines. They usually have attained higher levels of education and therefore have developed a broader appreciation of the structures and practices of the political system. As a result of their occupations and education, they have often developed the personal confidence and skills needed to be successful practitioners of the art of politics (Joseph, 2001). On the other hand, citizens who work in skilled and unskilled occupations often have neither the training nor the interests that would encourage them to be active politically at the higher levels. “Members of the lowest socioeconomic stratum are preoccupied with survival. They express low feelings of personal political power and efficacy, and participate least in the political system” (Jackson & Jackson, 1998). “Income and education reinforce the political advantages of occupation. Education in particular increases political interest, expands awareness of opportunities to participate, and nurtures many of the skills necessary for effective involvement. Although money may not “buy” political power, it does provide access to political opportunities and resources, which give the affluent decided advantages in political life” (Mishler & Clarke, 1995). Socio-economic status as a determinant of political participation encompasses race and gender as well. The majority of the economically affluent tend to be white and male.
In conclusion, the pattern of participation that is present in Canada results primarily from the possession of such resources as time, money and information, other factors such as race and gender also play a role. However, characteristics such as race and gender is not as substantial in terms of importance in comparison to social status. Actual participation requires initiative and effort, which many people are too lazy to exert. Although the opportunity for any citizen to participate in legislature exists, in reality, successful entrance to the political arena is limited to the affluent. “The relationship between degree of participation and social status is notable. In almost any measure of participation, the degree of involvement increases with level of income and education and from blue-collar to white-collar to professional and managerial occupations. Possession of money often provides such resources as leisure time, political information, and contacts that facilitate such high levels of participation” (Dyck, 2002). Socio-economic status is therefore a large contributor to patterns political participation since it relates to income and education as well. This is an important consideration since the economically stable are the ones that usually participate in politics. Upon the factors resulting in the unequal involvement in high levels of political participation already discussed, the reason why the, “white, male professionals” are dominating the legislature of Canada can be understood. Consequently, inequalities such as this can distort the representation of public interests and undermine the fundamental basis of political equality.
REFERENCES
Black, J.H. (2000). Representation in the parliament of Canada: The case of ethnoracial minorities. In Citizen politics: Research and theory in Canadian political behaviour, edited by Joanna Everitt and Brenda O’Neill. Don Mills, ON: Oxford University Press.
De Varennes, F. (1998). Towards effective political participation and representation of minorities. Retrieved May 14, 2004, from University of Waterloo, Faculty of Arts Web site: http://www.arts.uwaterloo.ca/MINELRES/ publicat/devaren2.htm.
Dyck, R. (2002). Canadian politics. (2nd ed.). Scarborough, ON: Nelson Canada.
Jackson, R.J., & Jackdon, D. (1998). Politics in Canada. (4th ed.). Scarborough, ON: Prentice Hall Canada.
Jackson, R.J., & Jackson, D. (2002). Canadian government in transition. Toronto, ON: Prentice Hall Canada.
Joseph, T.W. (2001). Essentials of Canadian politics and government. Toronto, ON: Prentice Hall Canada.
Mishler, W., & Clarke, H.D. (1995). Political participation in Canada. Chap. 7 in Canadian politics in the 1990s, edited by Michael S. Whittington and Glen Williams. Scarborough, ON: Nelson Canada.
Trimble, L.J., & Arscott, J. (2003). Still counting: Women in politics across Canada. Petersborough, ON: Broadview Press.
