Carnivals and events were changing as time went on. The move to industrial and capitalist societies had an impact. Festivities had become much more controlled and are more tied up to order under modernity. There is a distinction between modernity and carnivalesque. Rojek (1995) argued that modernity is much more about the order of people in society. Hall and Gieben (1992) also states that modernity had attributed to the development of individuals and the emergence of the state as a social regulation. It was related to the civilising influence in society. In addition, leisure is linked to progress and deviant behaviour of the carnivalesque is marginalised as it is not civilising and it was related to the obstruction of power of the state. Therefore, aspects of carnivalesque were pushed to the periphery and also, carnivalesque was made to look glamorous
because it was because it was being pushed out. In conclusion, events have generally become more civilised. For example, Hall and Gieben (1992) notes that the modern state’s control over the means of violence as helping the growth of civilisation, which called for a new sense of self restraint. This has happened through the evolution of events over the years.
There were several noted developments of festivities over the last century. Rolph (1992) argues that people would normally have festivals to tie in with agrarian cycles, like having a festival to celebrate harvesting. Moreover, this is affirming the sense of community and culture within the event. Interestingly, Hall and Gieben (1992) notes that the earliest meaning of the word “culture” was used to mean the tending of crops or looking after animals. Hence, this meaning is still generally used in modern English in words like “horticulture” and “agriculture”.
Another development was the decline temporarily of festivities during the Second World War. This could be due to the increasing patterns of rural to urban migration and, as a result, there was a loss of festival manpower to run the events. Another reason for the decline in festivals could have been that society was becoming less religious. In addition, agriculture was more industrialised and this created the loss of the community’s sense of belonging.
However, there has been a growth of events since then. New festivals are being created and the older events are being revived. There are several reasons for this. The festival spirit can be classed as being indestructible as festivities can offer a sense of community and belonging. The most significant reason could be that events can bring in money and are subject to commodification.
Commodification is devised from the Marxist theory. Basically, commodities are manufactured goods or services and it is associated with capitalist modes of production. In terms of the use of value, commodities could be exchanged in terms of a transaction and it relates to their functional value. Cohen (1988) describes commodification as being a “process by which things (and activities) comes to be evaluated primarily in terms of their exchange value, in a context of trade, there by becoming goods (and services)” (Cohen, 1988, pp380). In terms of events, commodification means selling the event to attract consumers as events are highly commercialised nowadays. In addition, Boissevain (1996) believes that tourism can be commercialised in order to make money. He states that mostly seasides and historic centres tend to gain more profit than inland villages and industrial towns. He also explains that culture has become a key commodity in the tourist industry and every brochure illustrates this.
Also, the symbolic view of commodification is culturally constructed. For example, the symbolic view of going to the opera or the ballet is very different than going to a pop music concert like Daniel Bedingfield or an event like T in the Park. The extent and scale of commodification are variable. Local culture usually serves as the primary example of commodification. Cohen (1988) notes that customs, rituals, folk and ethic arts become commodities, as they come to be performed for tourist’s consumption. An example of an event being used as a commodity is the public ritual of Alarde in the Spanish town of Fuenterrabia. Greenwood (cited in Cohen, 1988) suggests that the Alarde became an important tourist attraction. As a consequence, the Spanish authorities announced that the event should be performed twice on the same day to accommodate the extreme numbers of visitors. Unfortunately the local community became distant and uninterested. As a result, the Spanish government were willing to pay the community to participate. Therefore the event has eventually become a cultural commodity and also has lost its authenticity, which this essay will cover later on.
Cohen (1992) also suggests that commodification can affect the cultural products themselves. It can be said that rituals or events may be exaggerated, shortened or amended to accommodate the
external public. According to Stevenson (2003), tourists nowadays wish to experience informal events which are not organised for their benefits and she also criticises event that are staged and therefore, not authentic. MacCannell argues that “sightseers are motivated by a desire to see life as
it is really lived, even to get in with the natives” (MacCannell, 1999, p94). It is MacCannell’s belief that tourists wish to penetrate beyond the superficiality of experiences which are staged specifically for the tourism market. In addition, he argues that there are structural divisions on the experience that the tourist have. Firstly, the phrase known as “front stage” experience is the most commercialised, commodified event and experience. These are specifically organised with the tourist in mind. An example would be the shortbread tin image of Scottish traditional music. However, this is an extreme stage. On the contrary, the “front stage” experience is the other end of the spectrum. This would relate to the engagement of real experience and full involvement of the community. Ironically, their objective is to penetrate events or rituals that audiences or outsiders are normally excluded. An illustration of this would be Stevenson’s (2003) paper, which focuses on Scottish traditional music. She shows that although tourists seek authentic participation, attempts are foiled by the “stage authenticity”. As a result, the commodification process limits the possibility for authenticity and they lack relevance to the local community. An extremely good example of the idea of staged authenticity is illustrated in Stevenson’s (2003) paper. Many events organised by the Traditional Music and Tourism Initiative (TITM) were blatantly obvious in terms of inauthenticity and the use of events as a commodity. Moreover, audiences at the music session in Arran were asked to complete a questionnaire which asked them to rate their enjoyment of the session. Furthermore “participants were required to provide regarding their demographic characteristics and place of residence, and answer questions such as: would this kind of event encourage a return visit?” (Stevenson, 2003). As a consequence, evidence if the staged authenticity was evident. However, through performers being paid to play music means the session itself becomes commodified. Similarly the commodification of the session creates audiences.
On the other hand, one can say that there are holes in Greenwood’s theory. He claims that once an event or cultural product is commodified, the meaning is gone. This can be classed as a sweeping statement and over generalised. Cohen (1988) states that folk musicians who get paid while playing to an audience may actually be motivated by the opportunity to exhibit their art and their skills or talents. Therefore he argues that their music has not necessarily lost any meaning for them, merely because it is commodified. Hence, Greenwood (1977) assumes that the negative reaction of the inhabitants to the commodified event of the Alarde will have this permanent attitude. However, Cohen (1988) argues that events changed through commodification can attain new meanings for its producers. For example, Balinese performances have different audiences, which are completely separate. They are: divine, local and tourist audiences. The latter of the three is appreciated by the Balinese because of the economic benefits that comes along with that. Moreover “its presence has not diminished the importance of performing competently for the other two audiences” (Cohen, 1988, p382). In effect the funds from tourists will help to increase skills and equipment and could improve the performances and conserve culture.
Another positive notion of commodification is that it usually takes hold of a culture when it is not thriving. Under these circumstances, the development of a tourist market can assist in the preservation of cultural tradition, ritual or event. Therefore without funds all would disintegrate. The example that Cohen (1988) uses is the realm of folk arts and crafts. He argues that many are declining in the Third World countries due to the entry and rise of industrial goods and Western consumer tastes. Some have been restored through tourism demand. In addition although, to the external observer, commodification of events and cultural traditions can appear to have changed, the performers themselves might not necessarily perceive that a transformation had occurred. Boissevain (1996) illustrates that traditional dancing, restaurants and outdoor café life were
introduced to Malta to meet tourist’s expectations of the Mediterranean scene. However, after some years they have developed into their Maltese culture. As a result, musicians sing “Que Sera Sera”
while strolling through restaurants. Consequently tourists know that it is not authentic but Boissevain (1996) believes that they do not care! Therefore, commodification of events does not have to mean that the cultural traditions and enjoyment has to be destroyed.
Although as mentioned above there are benefits and disadvantages to commodification, there can be some resistance to it altogether. According to Boissevain (1996) local communities that are visited by tourists have developed strategies to protect themselves from the tourists entering their authentic experiences, mentioned as the back region earlier. Boissevain (1996) suggest that they do this through resistance, hiding, fencing, organised protest and aggression.
Firstly, values, rights and rituals extorted by tourism are often defended by strategies and hidden forms of resistance. These actions take numerous forms but all avoid direct confrontation. Examples of these covert forms of resistance are the gossip, grumbling, moaning, sulking and ridiculous insults directed by the weak at the more powerful, just like having rude bus drivers, sullen or depressed looking waiters, etc. Another form of covert activity directed against tourists is the sexual humiliation of female tourists by men earning a living from the female tourists that they try and disgrace. This can be illustrated through how Palestinian shopkeepers seduce tourist women, whom they then insult (Boissevain, 1996). Therefore, by doing these acts they keep the pilot light of resistance alive and kicking.
Secondly, this resistance goes back to Bakhtin’s idea that carnivals after the eighteenth century are more in the “private chamber than the public square”. Many communities are unimpressed about tourism and have tried to hide features of their culture from visitors. This can emerge from communities holding celebrations at times of the year that avoid the attention of tourists and are known as insider-only celebrations. This consequently, helps communities to continue developing the major events that are bringing in money without relinquishing the intimacy of celebrations.
Another way of avoiding tourist’s gazes is to ring fence private areas and events. Boissevain (1996) uses an example that celebrants in the village of Val di Fassa of Penia literally barred outsiders, including fellow Ladens from the lower village and tourists, from the hall where their carnival masquerade reaches its peak. Another form of resistance is organised protest. This happens quite frequently when local inhabitants organise protests against the people or companies that are marketing the so called back region and their rights to the tourist industry without their consent. In recent times, Malta has initiated protests form environmentally concerned groups to make known the threats to the island’s culture and environment potentially ruined by tourism.
Finally, violence can become a last resort to defend themselves from tourists. Generally Malta people are very friendly. However, Boissevain (1996) recorded the case of a tourist who was punched by the boyfriend of a waitress because he complained about the poor service. This seems quite an extreme action. However, although it is definitely not the thing to be doing, the excuse that they gave for the boyfriend punching the tourist was that she felt that she was insulted and he used violence to defend her honour.
In conclusion, there are contrasting ideas of how commodification affects the communities. On the one hand, it can be said that in order to have a commodified event there must be some degree of
staged authenticity. On the other hand, it can be said that it can boost a country’s economic position if it is not thriving. In addition, this essay compares Bakhtin’s theory with Leed’s St. Valentines fair. Moreover, the development of festivals has changed and has become a lot more
civilised. To slightly reiterate, this essay has shown that the basic assumptions to commodification have not all been justified. In reality, there needs to be some in depth examination and then, it may not be clear.