For most of the adolescents, a strong form of self-esteem can be highly increased through parental assistance, appreciation, cooperation as well as family integrity and peace (Harter, 1999). This has been proved to be true for most cultures, those who are in the majority and the minority, in both the western and eastern nations (e.g., Herz and Gullone, 1999; Scott et al., 1991; Shek, 1999; e.g., Greenberger and Chen, 1996; Hughes and Demo, 1989). Apart from parental or familial participation, the social circle and acquaintances are also very significant influences in the build-up of higher levels of self-esteem amongst adolescents. If both these factors are consistent and strong then the minority groups mostly can find ways to get past the biased impressions of the majority groups which will help them develop more confidence and self-esteem (Barnes, 1980).
The punitive treatment of the parents also is believed to have a significantly important influence on the adolescent�s self-esteem, although no certain conclusions have been made. Most researches proposed that theoretically a fair form of punishing structure would encourage the growth of self-esteem; however, there is very little evidence to support this in application (Baumrind, 1968; Coopersmith, 1967; EIder, 1963). There have been many studies that have been unsuccessful in finding a strong or influential association between the parents� discipline strategy and the adolescents� self-esteem (i.e., Gecas, 1971, 1972; Graybill, 1978). On the other hand there are studies that have shown lower self-esteem levels to exist when the parents tend to overdo punishments and control everything (Litovsky & Dusek, 1986; Openshaw et al., 1984). And yet many other studies have concluded that a moderate approach to punishment and macro-management with an appropriate freedom for the adolescent has led to higher levels of self-esteem (Growe, 1980; Peterson et al., 1983). So in conclusion, it seems the way that one perceives regulation, control and self-esteem affects the association between discipline and self-esteem.
The impact of parental interaction on self esteem
Parent-child interaction and communication is considered very important, not only for the association of the parent and child, but also for the adolescent�s self-esteem. Numerous psychological researches have concluded that multiple depictions of self-concept and the assessments of one�s self-esteem influence the overall communication between the parent and the child (Burns, 1982; Papini & Sebby, 1987). Of course the communication with the contemporaries and friends is also very important for the adolescents� self-esteem. Lackovic-Grgin (1988) found that during the process of communication, if both the parties show emotions of confidence, reception, and support, then it is very likely that the adolescent will experience higher levels of self-esteem (Lackovic-Grgin, 1988).
Physical maturity, as shown in various biosocial researches, alters the way that the adolescents interact and/or communicate with their parents or contemporaries. The changes alterations in attitudes or communication with physical maturity are more obvious in girls then boys. The overall affect or influence however is much underlined and is not as evident as perceived to be in the conventional theories of adolescence. Conventionally, it is the period of adolescence that is considered to be full of chaos and disagreements while modern researches show that the clashes, disagreements and isolation increase with the initiation of the pubertal growth (Steinberg, 1988; Steinberg & Hill, 1978).
On one hand, several studies have confirmed that biological changes influences self-esteem of adolescents. For instance Ulman (cited in McGrory, 1990) found that lower self-esteem was higher amongst girls who had been menstruating for two years or more, than girls who had not reached the age of menstruation. In the same way, Wade et al. (1989) confirmed that adolescents who had early pubertal development suffered from higher levels of low self-esteem than those who did not prematurely developed puberty.
On the other hand, studies have also confirmed that no link is visible between biological changes and self esteem. For instance, Simmons Blyth (1987) failed to establish any link between female self-esteem with beginning and presence of menses. In the same way, Brack, Donald, & Ingersoll (1988) also failed to establish any links between self �esteem and physical maturity model developed by Tanner. One reason for this can be that relations with significant others neutralized the impact of biological changes on self esteem. Many studies have confirmed that relations with significant others, particularly parents, plays a crucial role in the development of self-esteem (Lackovic-Grgin, 1987; 1988; Lackovic-Grgin & Dekovic, 1990).
Holman and Woodroffe-Patrick (1988), in their study compared the adolescents with single parents with those who had both parents in relation to the peace within the homes. They concluded that the single-parent adolescents were far less satisfied and cheerful then those who had both parents. In contrast, Amato (1986) in his study could not find substantial evidence to prove that the marital foundation had any link with the overall self-esteem and chaotic nature of the adolescent. He did conclude that the chaotic nature of the child was somewhat more enhanced if the adolescent had insubstantial relations with both the parents.
Cooley (1902) and Mead (1934) are amongst the many experimental interactionists who believe that the social circle and communication is the key for higher self-esteem where self esteem is mainly determined by the opinions and viewpoints of the significant others like family, friends, teachers, etc. The psychodynamic philosophers (e.g., Kernberg, 1970) and attachment philosophers (e.g., Bowlby, 1982) support this approach and lay great emphasis on the influence that the strong association with the mother can augment the child�s confidence and self-esteem. Bowlby (1982) found that parenting during the early stages of childhood is extremely important as the child will feel more confident and acceptable if he has been treated with love, affection, and acceptance for who he/she is (Bowlby, 1982).
Many of the practical researches have supported the above theory that healthy parental interactions enhance the adolescent�s self-esteem (Coopersmith, 1967; Dekovic & Meeus, 1997) as well as cause fewer clashes and disagreements between the parent and child (Shek, 1998). Other parental inputs that results in higher levels of adolescent self-esteem are approval (Herz & Gullone, 1999; Ohannessian, Lerner, Lerner, & von Eye, 1998), cooperation and collaboration (Paulson et al., 1991), kindness (Paulson, Hill, & Holmbeck, 1991), and fair disciplinary procedures (Carlson, Uppal, & Prosser, 2000). Lower levels of self-esteem and higher chaotic and clashes percentages seem to exist if and when the parents exude unnecessary authority or micro-manage (Buri, Louiselle, Misukanis, & Mueller, 1988), are domineering (Herz & Guillone, 1999), utilize the emotional methods of management and are unyielding (Litovsky & Dusek, 1985).
There are researches that show variations in parenting methods with the variations in the parent and child characteristics (Belsky, Steinberg, & Draper, 1991). The practical and scientific studies have supported this fact and asserted that the child�s characteristics or the parent�s traits are main influences in the choices of discipline and parental attitudes that are adopted. So one can say that if a child is difficult to deal with or has behavioral issues then the parenting techniques were obviously lacking in some departments (Glark, Koshanska, & Ready, 2000; Katainen, Raikkonen, & Keltikangas-Jarvinen, 1997; van den Boom & Hoeksma, 1994).
Similarly, attachment theory (Ainsworth, 1989; Bowlby, 1982; Kalish and Knutson, 1976) proposes that it is the connection with the mother that will perhaps determine the level of self-esteem as opposed to the connection with the father. The practical researches have shown mixed results; some show that the self-esteem, especially in the case of the males (Armsden, 1986; Cubis et al., 1989), is higher if they have a stronger bond with their fathers (Gecas and Schwalbe, 1986; LeCroy, 1988); while other researches have shown higher self-esteem ratios if the bond is stronger with the mother (Burke and Weir, 1978; Hoffman et al., 1988; Kon and Losenkov, 1978; O'Donnell, 1976).
Parkes and Stevenson-Hinde (1982) have suggested that there are two main forms attachments:
1. The cognitive-affective form of attachment, which is the subtle yet strong influence to and from the significant others; and
2. The behavioral form of attachment, which is the dependent on the significant others and/or attachment figures for assistance and intimacy.
Many researches have tried to compare the effect on the adolescents pertaining to their relations with their parents and their peers. Most of the studies have shown that the self-esteem of the adolescent, irrespective of age and gender, is far more influenced by the status of their association with the parents as opposed to their association with their peers (Armsden and Greenberg, 1987; Burke and Weir, 1978; Gecas, 1972; Greenberg et al., 1983). Conversely, Lempers and Clark-Lempers (1992) in their study concluded that the growth of self-esteem was related to the adolescent�s association of the parents, the growth social approval and capability was more dependent on the adolescent�s association with the peers.
With the rise in similarities of characteristics and habits, the attachment theory then turns to the �internal working models� of the significant or attached others which are built on the similarities of the adolescents and the significant others. Weiss (1982) and Bretherton (1985), in their study concluded that it was peripheral and invisible belief and trust of the parents in the adolescent that helps their psychological growth as opposed to their constant physical and visible contribution. Greenberg et al. (1983), in his study, concluded that the peripheral quality of influence of the parent-child relation resulted in higher self-esteem as opposed to relying on parents for emotive encouragement.
The impact of peer and family relationships on adolescent self esteem
Numerous researches have proposed that one of the bases for all contemporary, friends, and parent associations is the adolescents� personal assessments. These assessments vary with gender and cultural norms. The adolescent tends to calculate the worth of his relationships and associations on the basis of friendly social ambience form the contemporaries around (Moran and Eckenrode, 1991), communal approval (Harter, 1989), as well as the reputation that is given to the adolescent by the friends and other contemporaries (Harter, 1989; Miller, 1990).
It is not only the peer association that varies with gender; the parent-adolescent relationship also sees variations due to the gender of the adolescent. Nielson and Metha (1994), in their study, asserted that parental cooperation, assistance and a fair amount of freedom builds up higher levels of self-esteem, but this was only true for the girls and not for the boys. Isberg et al. (1989), in his study, concluded that the girls aged between 12 and 14, more so then the boys, experienced more willing, healthy and unrestrictive connections between their own self-esteem and their communication with the parents. Of course, as said before all structures of relations seem to change with the advent of maturity. Hence the boys seemed to have closer and more communicative relations with the parents with the advent of puberty (Steinberg and Hill, 1978). This change basically calls for closer scrutiny of how gender affects the peer and family relations and the self-esteem of the adolescent.
Media and its projection, in the opinion of many researchers, social scientists and psychological scientists, also have an affect on the adolescent�s self-esteem rates. The media, especially in the USA is ever present in the daily routines of an adolescent through television, articles, magazines, billboards, ads etc. Pipher (1994, 1996), in her scientific study, chose to research the effect that the media had to make the girls feel they had to try insanely hard to attain the ideal body image or success in society. The same affect has been recently noted by many of the researchers for the boys (Kilbourne, 1996). The projection of the media on what is most appropriate in terms of fashion, food, weight, etc can have a negative affect on the adolescents approach to wards self-evaluation and self-esteem.
Some of the established effects that media is said to have on the adolescents encompass:
1. Body dissatisfactions (Henderson-King and Henderson-King, 1997; Strasburger, 1995),
2. The creation of unconstructive gender typecasts (Currie, 1997; MacDonald, 1995; Ward, 1995) and
3. Eating syndromes (Waller et at., 1994).
Sexual harassment has been one of the factors linked directly to self-esteem of adolescents. The studies conducted however are not all-encompassing as they do not include the aftermath of the harassment on the adolescent; instead they just focus on the occurrence and natures of harassment. One of the forms of harassment that was assessed was in the �gender harassment� amongst teenagers which mainly included the passing of sexual remarks, signals or glances (Stein et al., 1993). A shocking 89% from a total of 4,200 girls said that they went through the �gender harassment�. These girls were between the ages of 9 and 19. The boys were also reported to have gone through �gender harassment� but at a lower level then the girls in another study (American Association of University Women, 1993).
The impact of economic issues on adolescent self esteem
The economic conditions of the family are also of significance when we are considering the growth of self-esteem amongst the adolescents. There have been researches conducted on how the economic conditions affect the self-esteem of the adolescent. Most of the time, studies have concluded that weak or poor economic conditions contribute to lower levels of self-esteem (Coopersmith, 1967; Isralowitz & Singer, 1986). The studies have been able to successfully point out the dangerous outcomes of the stressful economic conditions on the adolescents. However, they need to detach the precise and restricting methods that have bridged the economic strain to the self-esteem of the adolescents. It is still the approach and attitude of the family that plays the decisive part in the construct of the self-esteem of the individual (Gecas & Schwalbe, 1986; Hales, 1990).
The economic strain leads to clashes and discrepancies between and among the parents and the adolescents on how to spend the limited amount of money (Larson, 1984; Wilhelm & Ridley, 1988). In addition to that the parents end up paying very little attention to the needs of the adolescent like affection, kindness, acceptance, assistance when in stress and this can lead to a deficiency in respect on both sides (Conger et al., 1990; Ge et al., 1992).
There have been a few studies where the focus has been on the effects of economic strain on the children without specifying the affect it has on their self-esteem (Elder, 1974; Elder, Van Nguyen, & Caspi, 1985; Elder, Caspi, & Van Nguyen, 1986). Elder et al. (1974) in their study concluded that the economic instability and pressures affected the adolescents� socio-emotional condition and hampered the development process. This is also partly because the economic strain does make the parents increase the intensity of their disciplinary methods.
The impact of emotional expression on self esteem
Emotional expression basically means an apparent or visible display of the sentiments of an individual (King and Emmons, 1990). The concept of emotional restriction mainly explains how an individual finds it hard to comprehend, tackle and represent their sentiments (Kilmartin, 1994). Numerous researches have been carried out to show how the gender differences influences the emotional expression of an individual. Most of the studies confirmed that women were more emotionally expressive then the men (King and Emmons, 1990; Kilmartin, 1994; Pennebaker, 1995). The same pattern is seen amongst adolescents where the girls are more emotionally expressive then the boys (Polce-Lynch et al. 1998). This free feel to be emotionally expressive tends to be pertinent when measuring the self-esteem. This is so because the true analysis of the self-esteem is done only when the participant can clearly and accurately relate their emotions, viewpoints and thoughts. Sommers (1994), in his study of the self-esteem amongst adolescents, confirmed that the gender difference is a direct prelude of the emotional expression of the adolescents.
The impact of ethnic identity on adolescent self esteem
The problem with the existence of different cultures all over the world is that it becomes extremely difficult for the migrants and/or minorities to strike a balance between their own cultural principles and standards while surviving amongst a majority group who has conflicting traditions. The adolescents in the minority have the difficult task of finding their identity within the framework of the culture that their parents are teaching them and the culture that they have to come across in their social interactions. This influence of the conflicting social culture is one of the reasons why the migrant children seem to have more clashes and disagreements with the standards of their parents� culture (Szapocznik and Kurtenis, 1993). When Knafo and Schwartz (2001) conducted studies over a few generations, the results they got showed that the earlier generations showed higher adaptation and tolerance for their parents culture while the later generations showed more openness towards the social or immigrant cultures. Other research studies came to the same conclusion (Knafo and Schwartz, 2001; Phinney et al., 2000; Rosenthal et al., 1996). This is also one of the main reasons why one sees a rise in the detached parent-child relation and parent-child clashes or disagreements amongst minority ethnic groups.
There are conflicting situations where the adolescents come across the socially acceptable norms through their institutions, friends and the mainstream media outlets. Portes (1997), in his study, asserted that form of exposure was the reason why there existed such inharmonious and jarring patterns of cultural immigration. He felt that this was the main reason why the adolescents from minority groups were able to adjust or acclimatize quicker then their parents because they are growing up with these conditions.
Both Nijsten (1998) and Pels (1999) found that parents belonging to ethnic minority groups in Netherlands felt that they cannot compete with the influence of the social cultural norms and are finding it difficult to instill their hereditary traditions among their children. The communities like Turkish and Moroccans are highly concerned about the status of their relationships with their children being based upon what by the society�s standards is considered normal. They do not want their children to be completely �Ducthified� (Nijsten, 1998; Pels, 1999).
Nonetheless, other studies show that ethnic identification has been considered a strong indicator affecting self-esteem of individuals. Tajfel and Turner (1986) in their study found that those adolescents who developed a sense of belonging with their ethnic clan were more likely to develop higher self-esteem when compared to those adolescents who failed to relate to their ethnic group. This study confirmed that adolescents assign value to their clan and develop higher self-esteem if they develop strong bonds within their ethnicity.
Other studies show that ethnic identity is more important for ethnic minorities than it is for the ethnic majority group. For instance, Verkuyten (1999) found that in Netherlands, adolescents from minority groups possessed lower self-esteem if they did not have strong links with their ethnic group and higher self esteem if they did have a strong sense of belonging with their tribe. In the same way, Verkuyten (2001) found that 3Turkish adolescents in Netherlands developed higher self-esteem with a strong sense of belonging with their ethnic group. Porter and Washington (1993) found these same trends to be globally present amongst all ethnic minorities. Adolescents found higher self-esteem from if their sense of belonging was stronger with their ethnic group. Similarly, Phinney et al. (1997) found that ethnic identity was a strong indicator for higher self-esteem amongst African Americans, as well as Latinos along with Whites. Other research studies conducted along the same lines have found similar results (Branscombe et al., 1999; Martinez and Dukes, 1997; Rowley et at., 1998).
Research shows that self-esteem is highly likely to be influenced by the significant or popular traditional standards and principles as well. When looking at this on an individual level, higher self-esteem leads to constrictive associations between groups and psychological growth. Triandis et al. (1985) in his study asserted that the people who formed major ethnic groups in USA did not experience isolation and rejection. Verkuyten and Kwa (1994) in their study concluded that the majority of the Chinese adolescents were able to form constructive associations between being in a group and their standard of living. All of these studies help us come to the conclusion that the more an individual was able to blend in and find support in their cultural group the more they would be able to develop constructive self-evaluations and self-esteem.
The various cultural or traditional inclinations for the formation of ethnic groups have various elements that can form their basis. For instance some ethnic groups could be formed (1) on the basis of similar aims and objectives, (2) apprehension about the status of the group, (3) inter-reliance, (4) cordiality, as well as (5) family integrity. Most of the societies that promotes the formation of groups also promote the interdependent characteristic of the self, family concord and reliance group unity, group allocation, consistent and prearranged associations and networks, group task allotment; all of which leads to higher levels of self esteem (e.g., Triandis, 1994; Triandis et al., 1990).
Depression
Depression, too, is caused by a number of social and economic factors. This section of the paper provides a profound dimension of causes related to depression. The results of our research reveal a distinctive pattern of factors, which directly influence adolescent depression. These patterns have been illustrated in figure 2 below. The figure shows that depression is broadly influenced by:
(1) Stress;
(2) Social stressors;
(399) Social support;
(4) Gender differences;
(5) Parental child rearing;
(96) Body image;
(7) Inter-parental relationship;
(8) Temperamental vulnerability;
(9) Parental up-bringing strategies;
(10) Self-handicapping traits;
(11) Alcohol use;
(12) Economic issues;
(13) The physical self;
(14) Self-efficacy;
(15) Cognition;
(16) Ethnic identity;
(17) Emotions; and
(18) Information processing.
We will describe each of these elements in the following sections.
The impact of stress on adolescent depression
A section of the research studies that have been conducted in the past 3 decades have concentrated solely on the effect that the social settings and social interactions can have on the growth, both mental and social, of an individual. The main structure that has been used for research in most of these studies has been the �stress process� prototype which was main a brainchild of Pearlin and his group and has been redesigned with minor situational changes (Pearlin, 1989, 1999; Pearlin et al., 1981). The stress process configuration is structured in a way that helps us analyze the causes of the social stress as well as the most likely conditions that control or motivate stress and the aftermath of the social strain on the mental and physical health of the individual. Some researchers have even used the stress process prototype to outline or highlight the main procedures that might arbitrate or differentiate pure stress from the consequences of stress. The most fascinating and factual part of the social stress model is that it understands that the causes of stress and the consequences of stress are both an aftermath of the holes or deficiencies in the social structures that inadvertently yet directly cause the disturbances in the phenomenon of social standing (Pearlin, 1989).
The downside of the researches that have been done on stress and depression is mainly that they have tended to concentrate on a short span of time to analyze the causes and consequences of stress i.e. they have taken recent events or events from the past twelve months to analyze or point out the main causes of stress and depression in an individual. There are researchers who have also analyzed and included the continuing circumstances to the overall contributors of stress and depression in an individual. The continuous contributors have been named the �chronic strains� (Pearlin, 1989; Wheaton, 1994). A few researchers feel that the complete extent of the aftermath of stress has yet to be outlined because they feel that the researches that have been done thus far have concentrated on chronic strains or recent life events while the earlier or premature stressful events and the chain of those events from their initiation still have to be explored (Turner et al., 1995; Turner and Lloyd, 1995). There have of course been researches done on the long lasting impact of the stress-related situations, but most of these have been restricted to specific outcomes on impacts on cerebral wellbeing. Some of the outcomes that have been analyzed are parental loss, disconnection or divorce (Harris et al., 1990; McLeod, 1991; Tennant, 1988), sexual harassment (Browne and Finkeihor, 1986; Green, 1993), aggression and physical mistreatment (Allen and Tarnowski, 1989; Brown and Co hen, 1999; Holmes and Robins, 1988), as well as parental drug or alcohol misuse (West and Prinz, 1987).
Turner and Lloyd (1995) in their study also highlighted that one of the potential causes of mental ill-being and/or depression is the infancy stresses or disturbances that an individual has gone through. They also found that the chain of disturbing events were also a major root cause of a consequential chronological disorder in maturity. There are other studies that have carried on this pattern of investigation of the possible aftermath of the childhood disturbing incidents on the mental maturity and health of an individual and have found the same results (O' Grady and Metz, 1987; Rodgers, 1990; Rutter and Quinton, 1977).
So in conclusion, the earlier, premature or childhood causes of stress have not been thoroughly investigated, in fact they have been completely played down. The fact of the matter is that the majority of mentally disturbed and depressed adults have a history that goes back to traumatic events in their early teens and even before that time period (Sorenson et al., 1991). All the causes of stress and depression have the childhood events serving as their preludes, which is why the analysis of early childhood experiences is vital for analyzing the real root causes of stress and depression amongst individuals (Kessler and Magee, 1994a).
The impact of social stressors on adolescent depression
The main idea behind the word stressor is that we underline and highlight all likely and practical incidents or situations that can cause stress and depression (Pearlin, 1989). The overall association and impact of stressors on depression has been focused on quite a lot in the past couple of decades. Paykel et al. (1969) in his study has asserted that the likely result of prior depression phase is the decrease in the number of associations that an individual has. Roy (1985), in his study asserted that one of the non-precipitating factors or causes of depression amongst women was their loss of association and/or separation from their mothers before they turn 17. Brown and Harris (1978, 1986), in their study highlighted that there were specific risks elements that had a hand as well in causing depression in an individual. Even though his study did seem contradictory there have been numerous studies that have proven that the social stressors can definitely cause depression.
Goodyer and Altham (1991), in their study highlighted that there was a category of incidents common to all individuals that were the cause of potential and dangerous disorders in adulthood. They called these incidents the Lifetime Exit Events. They also suggest that all the influences of the family, friends, peers and lifetime exit events were responsible for a separate and disjointed aftermath on the individual�s level of stress, anxiety and depression. Most researches believe that the lifetime exit events are mainly those incidents where the activities and/or words used in a situation have a damaging and dangerous impact on a personal trait of an individual like confidence or self-esteem. The method of influence is still pretty much a mystery. Also, another thing that is still left un-comprehended is how some individuals are able to avoid the harmful impact of these lifetime exit events. They feel that the contributors of constructive and enthusiastic self-images are innate and personal, like the mental health stability, as well as, relational and outward, like the impact of family, friends, schools, etc.
When Brown conducted a study of depressed older women, he found that the impact of damaged or bad relationships fell more on their self-esteem while rarely causing depression (Brown et al., 1986). The initiation and pattern of depression can be most appropriately structured when we analyze the association between lower self-esteem levels and stress over a period of time. In other words, contrary to popular belief, depression is caused mainly from a prevalence of low self-esteem which is further damaged by stressful lifetime exit events or incidents; this also means that potential impairment is not a direct result of low self-esteem alone.
The impact of social support on adolescent depression
One aspect of an individual�s life that has always intrigued developmental psychologists is the influence that the character and the value or class of communal fondness to the family members and peers has on the mental and physical health of the individual. Rutter (1985) in his study provided proof that explained how both direct and indirect contributors influenced the mental psyche and physical performance of an individual. This plainly means that an assured, constant, and loving association with either a family member or a contemporary can help activate and build a positive, strong and flexible nature especially when tackling difficult situations. The mystery still lies in whether this peripheral assistance is solely a behavioral or a situational issue or a combination of both. It is sad that the individual�s self-efficiency in a social setting can be a cause for responding familial support as well as personal support. A good example of this can be found in Sarason et al.�s (1985) study where they found that the individuals who found strong social support in an environment showed signs of more mature personal growth as opposed to those individuals who had lower support in a social setting. Brown et al. (1986) in their study showed that the phenomena of social support and self-esteem or lack of depression had a mutually dependent relationship.
The impact of gender differences on adolescent depression
The relationship between the emergence of stress and the gender of the adolescent is more significant than it is normally believed to be. Numerous researches have shown that the males tend to suffer from higher stress levels than the girls if they are going through familial disturbances. Most of the influences of the familial disturbance can be seen in the choices that the males make regarding their social settings, behaviors and relationships. However, numerous scientifically calculated studies show that mainly female adolescents and children are the ones who experience higher depression rates. The analysis asserts that the causes for depression amongst the males and the females are different. The males become more outwardly destructive while the females hone in all their flaws and get depressed on a higher scale. Sarason et al. (1985) in his study, asserted that academically and intellectually, females were more socially adept then the males but nonetheless adolescent girls end up getting more depressed than adolescent males.
The main issue when analyzing the depressive rates amongst the two genders is what causes the depression levels to be higher in females then males (Nolen-Hoeksma and Girgus, 1994). This significant difference in levels has prompted the formation of numerous theories and prototypes that could explain how and why this difference has occurred (Nolen-Hoeksma, 1987, 1994; Nolen-Hoeksma and Girgus, 1994). The downside is that none of these theories have had much practical impact or support (Bebbington, 1996).
The different models that had been structured were both qualitative and quantitative in presenting the different dynamics that caused depression. Even though, most studies that have been done have proven to be questionable, the known fact is that the quantitative researches have been able to demonstrate that the fundamental elements that cause depression are more amongst females then males (Nolen-Hoeksma and Girgus, 1994) and they tend to be more unconstructive and perilous for the girls even in adolescence. One of the reasons for this could also be the fact that girls have to face more social pressure then the boys which if they don�t meet could also be a cause for higher levels of depression (Petersen et al., 1991).
The mother-daughter relationship could also serve as a potential cause for higher depression rates amongst girls. Kerig et al (1993) in their study confirmed this as they noticed that the unhappy mothers seem to degrade their daughters more then their sons (Kerig et al., 1993). Another study concluded that it was the daughters who emulated their mothers more then the sons, which could also be one of the reasons why dissatisfaction amongst mothers could lead to higher levels of depression amongst girls (Camara and Resnick, 1988). The studies have also concluded that even though the causes of depression amongst girls might be alike but their intensities might vary due to the social relationships that they have. All these findings are important as the researches on the levels and causes of depression amongst the genders are limited (e.g., Zahn-Waxler, 1996).
There have been various researches done that have shown that the two genders confront depression in different ways and hence have different set of causes (e.g., Berman and Jobes, 1991; Galaif et al., 1998). All these studies show that the females have a tendency to be reclusive and concentrate internally on their personal flaws and shortcomings when they have to deal with a tense situation or depression. Females also tend to talk it over with their close friends or significant others. On the other hand the males vent their frustration and depression in a social setting by rebellious performances (Copeland and Hess, 1995; Leadbeater et al., 1995; Lempers and Clark-Lempers, 1990). These researches also highlighted that both genders have a different approach and reason for forming their social relations. That is, these studies highlighted that the girls, more than the boys, look for support and confined in their social relations. All of these facts make the association and link between depression, social relationships, stress and coping strategies a lot more complicated and different based on the gender of the adolescent.
The impact of parental child-rearing on adolescent depression
Numerous studies and surveys have proved that when we take in the influences of the peripheral or outward elements, the parents and their attitudes is by far the most significant in causing or avoiding depressive inclinations (e.g., Burge and Hammen, 1991; Ge et al., 1996; Gerlsma et al., 1990; Petersen et al., 1991; Rapee, 1997; Reiss et al., 1995). Also, the studies have shown that the effect of the parenting methods and tactics has both a very confined as well as vast range (see Brofenbrenner, 1989; Wachs, 1996). This simply means that the confinement or liberty with which the parents administer and control adolescent behavior can cause depression (e.g., Gerlsma et al., 1990).
Numerous studies have confirmed the fact that the attitude of parents which comes across as more authoritative, uncompromising, uncooperative and unaffectionate does result in higher depression amongst the adolescents (Conger et al., 1994; Ge et al., 1994; Greenberger and Chen, 1996; Messer and Gross, 1995; Rey, 1995; Richter et al., 1991; Whisman and Kwon, 1992). Also, these researches have very clearly declared that the attitude of parents that comes across as kind, cooperative and understanding results in lower levels of depression amongst the adolescents (e.g., Chiu et al., 1992; Ge et al., 1994). Even though parental authority is required for disciplining the adolescents, it is the accentuated sort of antagonistic authority results in higher levels of depression as well as increases the possibility of clashes and irritation (Allen et al., 1994; Dadds et al., 1992).
The fact of the matter is that in most occasions when the adolescents do not respond simultaneously to the overt and hesitant disapprovals and authority of the parents, it decreases with the passage of time. It is, however, important to realize the importance of the bringing up of the adolescent as a cause for depression and hence the inconclusive researches done thus far are not sufficient and more studies need to be conducted to get a clearer idea.
One way that the studies can be conducted more efficiently is through recognizing the secondary elements that are part of the various components of the parenting methods applied (Fauber and Long, 1991). Most parenting methods are probably influenced by the ambience that is created by the internationally accepted nature around them (Darling and Steinberg, 1993). In other words, it can be assumed that the friendly and kind parents will probably not use many punitive and authoritative actions towards their children and the same may true for the opposite.
Even though the overall components of the parent-child relationship may be difficult to measure in terms of cause of depression (O�Conner and Rutter, 1996), but it can be said with considerable certainty that the elements presented by Schaefer (1959) of unreceptive parenting like insensitive refusal, lowered leniency, and a firm punitive approach are, in most cases, likely to cause depression.
The impact of inter-parental relationship on adolescent depression
Apart from these confined parenting approaches there are some peripheral, indirect and distant parenting approaches that can bring about depressive inclinations amongst adolescents as well (King et al., 1995). One of these indirect factors is the personal happiness and contentment of the parents within their own relationship or familial or financial situation. There have been studies conducted that have concluded that the positive growth of the child is also dependent upon the personal happiness of the parent and their work load (e.g., development of secure infant-mother attachment; Isabella, 1994), and the opposite is true of the parents who are facing personal problems or dissatisfactions (Lerner and Galambos, 1985).
There have been studies that have claimed that marital splits have led to higher levels of depression amongst the adolescents (King et al., 1995) yet there are some studies that have claimed that marital satisfaction has no influence on the child�s later growth or choices (Katz and Gottman, 1993). These contradictory results on the influence of marital status and inconclusive results on the influence of parenting methods are reason why this genre needs to be further explored.
The impact of temperamental vulnerability on depression
Of course, parenting methods, whether confined or not, will have the kind of influence that the personality of the child allows or is susceptible to. This simply means that the personal traits of the adolescent can also cause depression when combined with a few peripheral elements. Most of the unpredictable behavior adopted by the adolescent has been recognized to lead to depressive inclinations and subsequent social demeanor inappropriateness (for reviews, see Bates, 1989; Prior, 1992).
There have been numerous studies conducted that have shown a significant association between the elements mentioned above. Depressive inclinations have usually been recognized as preludes to social awkwardness or isolation and anxiety (Gest, 1997; Stevenson-Hinde and Simpson, 1982; Mulder and Joyce, 1994; Tanaka et al., 1997) as well as low positive affectivity (for a review, see Clark et al., 1994; Watson and Clark, 1995). Caspi et al. (1995) in their study concluded that all mannerisms and approaches that led to higher social activity led to less depressive inclinations over a period of time.
One of causes and inter-reliant consequences of depression is also an elevated level of unconstructive sensitivity (Goodyear et al., 1993; Kelvin et al., 1996; Katainen et al., in press a; Rende, 1993). Considering all the results that have been presented we can clearly see that the general issues that the family or friends have with an individual�s mannerisms and their approach towards solving those problems can cause the depressive inclinations in that individual.
The impact up-bringing strategies on adolescent depression
The fact of the matter is that while most studies have treated the maternal child, bringing up strategies and peripheral or arbitrary administration from the parents and the adolescents� depressive inclinations separately, they are more or less inert-dependent variables. The significance and vitality of the arbitrary authority is apparent in how it shapes the parent-child association to decrease the vulnerability to depression, improve communication and child�s personal growth physically, emotionally, academically as well as socially (Conger et al., 1992, 1993, 1994; Ge et al., 1994).
One of the arbitrary elements that are considered critical in proper adolescent development is the up-bringing strategies. Belsky and colleagues� (Belsky, 1984; Belsky et al., 1991) in their prototype for parenting presented the up-bringing environment and strategies as significant and consequential elements that might lead to depression. They illustrated this by giving examples like how marital split or maternal dissatisfaction/unhappiness could create unaffectionate, unforgiving, declined communication and contradictory parenting methods. Other practical surveys and studies have backed up this prototype by observing and proving the existence of inefficient parenting styles and depressive inclinations in adolescents where there has been trouble in tackling the adolescent�s characteristics (Katainen et al., 1997, 1998) and there is marital unhappiness (see Belsky et al., 1991.
The most important fact that was highlighted in all of these researches was that even though identifying the social stressors was important, what was more important was to determine the effect of up-bringing a child and the presence of depression was the identification of the practical and applied parental methods, marital unhappiness and/or the adolescents� personal traits that were difficult to tackle (Belsky et al., 1991). All negative, unconstructive attitudes and approaches by the parents lead to a potential depressive tendency in the future for the adolescent. A few studies have tried to examine how the up-bringing strategies and depressive inclinations can be influenced and caused (respectively) by the existence of marital dissatisfaction, inability to understand and tackle the child�s temperament (Fauber and Long, 1991).
The impact of self-handicapping traits on depression
The researchers, over a period of time, have understood how the evaluative process works and hence have designed a model known as the social competence model of depression (e.g., Cole, 1991). This makes it easier for them to calculate how the adolescents assess their own successes and failures in relation to their social skills and how that can lead to depression or stress. There are various cases where the adolescent has developed non-productive traits or policies like self-handicapping that can in truth serve as a hurdle in their goal. Adams and Adams (1991) in their study supported the belief that the adolescents who were genuinely unhappy with their familial or social conditions usually looked towards easier yet destructive measures to cope with their feelings. The one aspect that the studies lack is whether the influence or existence of the self-handicapping traits and genuine unhappiness are simultaneous conditions. Also, in those studies where the association between the two phenomena have been shown, there is very little evidence to suggest whether those two conditions are independent or a consequential result of each other. This is what the emphasis for all future studies should be i.e. to determine whether unhappiness or depression and self-handicapping are independent traits or mutually dependent.
One of the other aspects or cause of depression that has not been thoroughly investigated is the influence of the parenting methods and the consequential self-handicapping strategies. In theory, there is enough logic presented to believe that the various parenting methods or approaches have a significant effect on the self-handicapping strategies and/or causing depression. Jones and Berglas (1978) in their study asserted that the cause of most depressive activities and self-handicapping coping strategies was the inability of parents to make the child feel supported and appreciated even when he/she was in a tough spot throughout the span of their life. Even though there wasn�t any explanation or pattern that could tell us how they came to this conclusion and neither were any suggestions given that could rectify the problem, but nevertheless, this conclusion was believed to be the critical factors that cause depression and the formation of self-handicapping strategies. It was also suggested that those adolescents who went through such an environment were able to develop a constructive self-image but would still have high levels of insecurity and would be more guarded then others (Jones and Berglas, 1978).
Coyne and Downey (1991) in their study assert that the phenomenon of a supportive relationship has different facets and that the existence of a weak supporting structure or association can actually mean the existence of a clashing association or a nearly non-existent association. This logic is actually derived form another research where the actual focus was on a marital relationship and its effects. The study concluded that the positive influence of the marital relationship on both the spouses could also be an affect of the non-existence of negativity or clashes between the individuals (Coyne and Downey, 1991, for a review). The focus of future studies when dealing with this trait should be to focus on how the parenting styles or approach towards different potentially damaging situations can cause depression or the formation of the self-handicapping strategy.
The impact of alcohol use on adolescent depression
There have been studies done where the use of alcohol has been presented as a cause for depression and not its outcome (Rohde et al., 2001; Valliant, 1995). The logic behind this is that alcoholic drinks have certain neurotransmitters (e.g., gamma-aminobutyric acid [GABA]), that when over-consumed can cause depression (Little, 2000). Yet, some other researchers have presented the logic that alcoholic drinks contain the GABA which is a neurotransmitter which can act in ways that can cause or instigate depression. Rohde et al. (2001) in their study concluded that the earlier or youthful alcohol abuse led to eventual depressive states. Most researches have found a mutually-dependent association between alcohol abuse and depression. The study conducted by Locke and Newcomb (2001) could serve as a good illustration of this association. They experimented with a total of 426 adolescents and spanned their analysis of the association between depression and alcohol for a period of 24 months. The reason for the mutually-dependent conclusion on this occasion could be the similarity of the core elements of the adolescents like heredity, social behavioral pattern and personality traits.
Numerous studies have exhibited a different pattern for the association between alcohol use and depression for both males and females. Most of these studies have shown that the association or dependence between the two factors is a lot stronger amongst the females (Locke and Newcomb, 2001). Schuckit et al. (1997) in his study supported this as the facts that they gathered showed that the majority of the case where alcohol and depression were mutually dependent were white, married females who had previously used other drugs as well. On the contrary there are many studies that have concluded that the males experience a stronger association between alcohol use and depression. Crum et al. (2001) supported this in his study where he borrowed statistics from the Epidemiological Catchment Area Program for his analysis.
Numerous researches have put the age of adolescence as the pedestal for the beginning of alcohol abuse (Bachman et al., 1997; Centers for Disease Control [CDC], 1998; Johnston et al., 2000), while numerous researchers have indicated that the alcohol use usually increases during the change from adolescence into teens or adulthood. Also, the studies show that the regular drinking usually starts by the late teens (Rohde et al., 2001). The researches that incorporate both the adolescent alcohol use and the transitional increase in alcohol use will be of greater importance in understanding how alcohol use can cause depression and how the association between the two factors is mutual.
The reason why the changeover period of the individuals is important is because the changeovers mean that the individual will make adjustments in their behaviors and choices both personally and socially (Lerner et al., 1996). Studying changeovers can help the researchers analyze the constancy and growth abilities of the individuals which can also help them anticipate the future inclinations (Sherrod et al., 1993). The changeover into adulthood can increase the span and variety of the significant others like the increase in peers. This increase can be accompanied by the rise in lowered or unhealthy familial and prior peer associations (Bachman et al., 1997). This could be one of the causes for depression in the transitional period (Schulenberg et al., 1997).
Some other resrachers have found contradictory patterns where they have observed that the depression levels and alcohol usage decrease as the adolescents realize their abilities and look positively to enhance the abilities they have and find ways to learn from their failures and get past unsatisfactory consequences (Aseltine, Gore and Colton 1998). The downside though is the limitation of these studies i.e. most of them have been conducted using the college students as a large part of the sample which simply indicates that leaving the family to live independently shows an increase in the use of alcohol and consequently depression. Elliot (1993) calls this the maturing-out consequence. However, numerous studies have shown that this consequence is more common amongst white students then black students and decreases as they advance into higher studies (National Center of Education Statistics, 2001). One of the reasons for his difference could be because only a mere 17% percentage of blacks get into colleges compared to the hefty 36.1% of the whites (Bureau of the Census, 2000). Also the changeovers for the blacks and whites in terms of adulthood or marriage or occupation or family vary which could cause variations in the use of alcohol and levels of depression (Maggs et al., 1997) and this is why most comparative researches of the black and white adolescents will be inconclusive.
The impact of economic issues on adolescent depression
Influence of school and locality on adolescent depression
The economics and financial span of the families can also play a part as a cause in the level of depression. The fact of the matter is that financially poor families will send their children to poor-quality schools (National Research Council, 1993) which basically means that the children are going to be studying in a discouraging ambience with very low sense of importance or integration (Felner et al., 1995). This, however, will be not true for their financially superior counterparts. Most researches have also determined the school ambience, the attitude of the teachers, the curriculum, the teacher-students relations, etc as potential causes for the lowered levels of self-esteem and increased depression (Dubois et al., 1992; Jacobson and Rowe, 1999; Resnick et al., 1997).
Another truth for the financially deprived families is that they have to survive in societies where the unemployment and crime rates are high and it�s hard to safeguard the children from being exposed to them (Schubiner et al., 1993; Wilson, 1991). This eventual experience of the societies where violence is high can also eventually lead to negative perceptions of the self and the personal futures which can also cause depression (Aneshensel and Sucoff, 1996; Gorman-Smith and Tolan, 1998; Singer et al., 1995). There has also been evidence in a few researches which suggests that adolescent depression in low-income families can also be caused by the discomfort and stress levels of the parents (Klebanov et al., 1997; Ross, 2000; Simons et al., 1996).
Bolger et al. (1995) and Patterson et al. (1991) in their studies also concluded that the contemporary attitudes and acceptance can also lead to the development of certain habits, familiarities or abilities that can cause depression. Statistics show that the poorer compartment of the youth is not as easily socially accepted as the well-off one (Bolger et al., 1995; Patterson et al., 1991) and that this has indicated higher levels of depression amongst the poorer compartments of the adolescents and youngsters (Vernberg, 1990). One of the reasons for this social shunning could also be the financial inability of the parents to offer their children with similar gadgets, environment or interests (Hao, 1995). This eventually leads to social isolation and the abandonment of the social familiarities and abilities that are needed to thrive and be active in a crowd.
Influence of family on adolescent depression
When research studies have incorporated stress theory or model in the financial circumstances, they have concluded that the financial depravity can cause financial strain amongst the members of the family. This strain or stress can lead to unhealthy familial ambience and can lead to both depression and marital split or disturbance (Brody et al., 1994; Conger et al., 1993, 1994). Numerous studies have also focused on the association between the economic stress, marital disturbances or split and depression (Harold et al., 1997; Tannenbaum et al., 1992). The link that has been formed between the financial strain and adolescent depression is mainly led by the attitude of the parents who under the economic strain can act insensitively, aggressively, uncooperatively, and erratically (Lempers et al., 1989; McLeod and Shanahan, 1993). Depression can also be indirectly caused by the relation between parental unhappiness and dissatisfaction leading to the marital split (Brody et al., 1994; Conger et al., 1993, 1994). Some other causes of depression have been lightly examined as well; these are the young age of the mother, illiteracy or low literacy, psychologically uncooperative and incapable parenting methods as well as single parenthood (Blazer et al., 1994; Deal and Holt, 1998; Jones-Webb and Snowden, 1993; Dornfeld and Kruttschnitt, 1992; Gortmaker et al., 1990; Hanson et al., 1997).
Influences of age, gender, health, and race/ethnicity on adolescent depression
McGee et al. (1992) pointed out that the personal traits of the adolescents determined the level of growth, social activity, and knowledge. Numerous studies therefore, have incorporated the factors like the age, gender, health status, and race/ethnicity of the adolescents in their analyses. Most studies concluded that the phenomenon of depression first showed signs in the early adolescent age and its increase or decrease was then dependent upon the type of personal and societal adjustments that the individual made (McGee et al., 1992). These adjustments or changeovers can be seen in the stages where the adolescent is entering puberty, getting admitted into schools, changing schools, going to college, rise in the social circle and friends, higher level of independence, differing viewpoints of the parent and child, etc (Eccles et al., 1993). A number of inherent and communal factors seem to be the cause for higher depression levels amongst females between the ages of 14-15 (Petersen et al., 1993; Jacobson and Rowe, 1999; Nolen-Hoeksema and Girgus, 1994). The studies have been unable to distinctly conclude whether the school and neighborhood factors that cause depression are different for males and females or not. Simons et al. (1996) in his study, concluded that males were far more vulnerable then the females to the neighborly elements that caused depression.
Another aspect that can cause depression and low self-confidence amongst the youth is the health of the individual or a family member. Numerous studies have shown that the adolescents who view their health as less than what is needed or have encountered perilous disease have experienced higher levels of depression (Gore et al., 1992; Gortmaker et al., 1990; Roberts and Sobhan, 1992). The fact is that when this happens, there are lesser opportunities for the adolescent to have normal or consistent peer exchanges which can also lead to social isolation and consequently depression.
Many researchers have highlighted another influential element; they pointed out that the traditional or ethnic structure and the prospects in the local or foreign environments also influences the present choices or developments in the adolescents. Even though the general belief is that the African American and Latin adolescents are more likely to go through the above element more than the white adolescents, the practical studies have supported this belief extremely variably (Dornfeld and Kruttschnitt, 1992; Petersen et al., 1993; Roberts and Sobhan, 1992; Siegel et at., 1998).
Another shady element which hasn�t been explored extensively is whether the cultural and ethnic differences vary with the different independent and dependent alterations that can cause depression (Rowe et al., 1994). There have been studies, however, that have shown that the different cultures promote different parenting methods and tactics and hence shown different patterns that can cause adolescent or youth depression.
The impact of the physical-self on adolescent depression
There are researches that have proved that not all the females go through depression or lower cerebral or confidence growth in their adolescence. Most studies have highlighted that the boosters or aggravated causes of depression could be due to the social status, social acceptance, parental attitude, parental support and cooperation, individuals� own maturity and developed attitude towards puberty or menstruation (Cuevas Fournier, 1969).
The background of all social associations and exchanges can influence the way an adolescent deals with onset of puberty and menstruation. Here again, the education and awareness of the family plays a part, a less educated family might not be able to provide the female adolescent with enough knowledge of menstruation hence hindering the whole process of the coping strategies that the female will develop (Cuevas Fournier, 1969).
Most of the females are reported, in numerous studies, to experience the retraction of motherly love (Holmbeck and Hill, 1991), irritation and clashes within their relations with their parents (Holmbeck and Hill, 1991; Savin-Williams and Small, 1986; Steinberg, 1988) as well as a decline in the understanding and cooperation from the parents (Pappini and Sebby, 1987; Steinberg, 1988) before the reach the age of menstruation. Two of the most important causes of depression, parent-child clashes, social constraints or misdemeanors as well as overly protective and authoritative parenting (Ge et al., 1996) are believed to be the impaired parent-child communication (Slesnick and Waldron, 1997) and unpopular or strict parenting approaches (Taris and Bok, 1996).
There are some researchers who say that the timing of puberty or menstruations is the real cause of disturbance and not the phenomenon itself (Stattin and Magnusson, 1990). Tobin-Richards et al. (1983), in their study, concluded that there was a definite relation between the timing of puberty and the assessment of body image amongst many girls. Those girls who experienced puberty at an early age mostly had negative and unconstructive body-images while the opposite was true for those who experienced puberty at a later age. The exact opposite was true for the males i.e. those who experience puberty earlier had a healthy body image and vice versa. Siegel et al. (1998), in their study, established an association between the timing of puberty, body-image and depression. The sample of adolescents was from different cultures but the result was the same: the girls who experienced early puberty had a negative body-image which led them to have depressive inclinations and the same was true for the boys who experienced late puberty.
The only way that this approach of the adolescents can be overcome positively is if the overall manners or outlooks towards menstruation and puberty are altered and incorporated in normality. The researches show that the anticipations and encounters of the girls change as they enter the age of menstruation. The overall statistics show that the girls who have reached puberty tend to go through more unconstructive and critical incidents then those who have not reached puberty (Brooks-Gunn and Ruble, 1982). The whole experience of puberty is affected by the way that the girl or boy is taught to tackle it. For instance a girl will feel more confident and less depressed dealing with puberty if she experiences acceptance, serenity and cooperation. The opposite will, hence, also stand true.
The impact of self-efficacy on adolescent depression
One of the elements that is perhaps one of the most important causes of depression is the self-evaluation of the individual�s personal capabilities in physical, educational, and communal environments i.e. his own assessment and judgment of how efficiently and thoroughly he/she will be able to tackle a potential difficult situation. These assessments have proven to exhibit varying patterns amongst individuals. The negative evaluations may lead the individual to feel useless, dejected and depressed. Even though, the studies on this aspect are somewhat limited, there is enough evidence, like in the research conducted by Kanfer and Zeiss (1983) that those individuals who feel that their practical performance is lesser than what is acceptable experience higher levels of depression. Fleming et al. (1993) in his study also fond that those adolescents who had lowered depressive inclinations experienced lower self-esteem a lot later then those who had higher depressive inclinations. Hetherington et al. (1992) in his study also confirmed that those who had high depressive inclinations experience lowered levels of self-esteems.
Kovacs (1989) has also highlighted the fact that most researches do not concentrate on the affect that the depression might have on the social interactions and relations of the adolescent. She further goes on to say that, in most cases, depressive inclinations have an unconstructive effect on the formation of friendships for the adolescents as well as their academic performances; this of course can, as a result, hamper the clear construction of future aims and professions.
The impact of cognition on adolescent depression
Kendall et al. (1989), in their study pointed a number of similar factors that can cause depression in adolescents. Siegel and Griffin (1984), in their study asserted one of these factors to be the association between the depressive inclinations and peripheral authoritative influences. Another one of these common factors that might cause depression and social incompetence as well as practice is the self-evaluation of the personal capabilities mentioned previously (Beck, 1967, 1976; Carlson and Kashani, 1988; Rutter, 1986).
The third common factor that can cause depression and negative personal view is the intellectual and accepted misrepresentation of self i.e. the depressed individual will always, according to Kovacs and Beck (1977), expect an unconstructive result in every situation and will normally blame their own capabilities for that failure.
Another cause of depression could be the presence or occurrence of unfavorable incidents that the depressed adolescent will mainly blame on his own personal traits, consistent habits and social structures. Depression is normally caused in these situations because the individual has a chain of thoughts that makes him misread the incidents and his/her own traits and abilities (Brightman, 1990; Siegel and Griffin, 1984; Teasdale and Dent, 1987; Weisz et al., 1987). This negative anticipation can also cause the depressive inclinations to turn suicidal (Kashani et al., 1989; Rotheram-Borus and Trautman, 1988; Topol and Reznikoff, 1982).
The concept of a �loner�, most researchers like Asher and Wheeler (1985) believe, is caused due to the general social denunciation. Most studies have also confirmed that this denunciation along with familial clashes and parental dissatisfaction all provoke depression amongst adolescents (Goodyer, 1992; Mitchell and Rosenthal, 1992; Topol and Reznikoff, 1982). Grossman et al. (1992), suggests that this emotion of loneliness can be avoided if there is definite and constant flow of communication between the parent and child as well as if the adolescent is able to form a strong, healthy and constant association with another grown-up like a teacher.
Hodges and Siegel (1985) in their research highlight that the social stressors or incidents/behaviors that cause stressful situations can also lead to depressive inclinations in adolescents. Numerous studies have shown an inter-linked association between the social stressors, depression and the significant happenings in an adolescents� life like the moving of homes or schools, health crises, demise of a loved one or friend, marital split or dissatisfaction, etc (Goodyer, 1992; Luther, 1991).
One of the elements that have been studied extensively with respect to the depressive inclination in adolescents is the interlinked and self-evaluative concerns or fixations. These studies to an extent have also shown a link between adolescent misbehavior or truancy and interlinked and self-evaluative concerns (Blatt et al., 1993; Blatt & Zuroff, 1992; Frank, Van Egeren, Paul, Poorman, Sanford, Williams, & Field, 1997). The interlinked fixations are usually bound around or circulate the potential anxiety towards the desertion of a healthy and caring friendship. These fixations tend to react in different ways (constructively, unconstructively or neutrally) to personalized or familial difficulties as well as peripheral problems (Blatt & Zuroff, 1992; Frank, Van Egeren, Paul, Poorman, Sanford, Williams, & Field, 1997; Frank, Van Egeren, Paul, Poorman, Sanford, Williams, & Field, 1997; Leadbeater et al., 1995).
The self-evaluative concerns are mainly driven by the challenge to sustain a healthy and effective image or ideal of one�s own personality as well as the apprehension of a potential failure and a consequent loss of self-value and independence (Blatt & Zuroff, 1992). It is assumed that when the individual aims to gratify mostly the social perceptions, it would be difficult for him/her to express what he/she really feels and he/she would assume them to be less important and this will make him/her feel frustrated and depressed (Fichman et al., 1994; Frank, Van Egeren, Fortier, & Chase, 2000).
Depression is to an extent also caused by the relation between self-evaluation and changing environmental factors. The basic attitude of the adolescents who are extremely self-analytical is of isolation, irritation towards peers and family members, aggressive, unfriendly, unsympathetic and unreceptive (Blatt et al., 1993; Frank, Van Egeren, Paul, Poorman, Sanford, Williams, & Field, 1997; Frank, Poorman, Van Egeren, & Field, 1997; Hokanson & Butler, 1992).
Whatever psychological responses that the adolescents have can be compared and/or connected to the behavioral and social outburst of the adolescent (Frank et al., 1998). Usually the adolescents who have a superior psychological response can be extremely weary of situations that might risk or cause the loss of their personality and they would usually look for these elements in almost every situation (Beutler & Clarkin, 1990; Dowd & Wallbrown, 1993). The normal reactions of the adolescents to such situations has been to antagonism and irresponsibility which has of course other repercussions like behavior and management difficulties, delinquency, social isolation, pride boost and as well as substance, drug or alcohol abuse (Frank et al., 1998). However, there are some studies that conclude that most of these responses are not led by depression, in fact, they believe that these responses might have very little to do with how depressed the adolescent might be (Frank et al., 1998; Frank et al., 2002; Dowd & Wallbrown, 1993).
The impact of negative emotions on adolescent depression
The one characteristics of depression is the presence of constant sadness or despair, even though most other syndromes have multiple characteristics that can apply to the individuals; intellectuality, efficiency and physical ability (DSM-IV American Psychological Association, 1994). Numerous experts and examiners like Clark and Watson (1991), Gray (1994), Depue and Iacono (1989), Fowles (1988) have all characterized and increased level of unenthusiastic evaluations, lowered levels of social participation and emotional constraints to the depressive inclinations in most adolescents. These conclusions have also been proved in information processing (Henriques, Glowacki, & Davidson, 1994), psycho-physiological (e.g., Gatchel, McKinney, & Koebernick, 1977; Lewinsohn, Lobitz, & Wilson, 1973; G. E. Schwartz, Fair, Salt, Mandel, & Klerman, 1976), and psychometric (Clark & Watson, 1991) researches that have been carried out on depression.
Many of the researchers when trying to explain the emotional constraints of a depressed adolescent have said that the emotion of depression presents enormous hurdle for the development or instigation of other sensitivities (Cole & Kaslow, 1988; Gross & Munoz, 1995; Tomarken & Keener, 1998). The development of sentiments or sensitivities can be explained as �an individual's reflexive reactions and effortful intrapersonal and interpersonal strategies for altering or maintaining an affective state� (Thompson, 1990, pp. 367-467).
Gross and Munoz (1995) in their study concluded that most of the sensitivity development happens within �the context of an ongoing stream of emotional stimulation and behavioral responding� (p. 153). They explain that it is in this state of things that the growth of sentiments and their use become secondary to the development of novel or rare emotions and even though emotions are more or less driven by personal motive there is no denying the input that the peripheral or outer elements have in their development (Gottman, Guralnick, Wilson, Swanson, & Murray, 1997). Two-way mutual relations or network relations help in the formation of tactics that can help the individual in tackling situations that they are unprepared for or are stressed in (Lindahl & Markman, 1990; McDonough, Carlson, & Cooper, 1994). The tackling strategies that the individuals applies in stressful situation can be used as accurate indicators to detect how much negativity the individual brings into and association when facing unenthusiastic response from the other side.
Most of the studies that have in recent history been carried have tried to examine whether the depressed adolescents are incapable of or perceive themselves as incapable of managing unconstructive responses. There has been empirical evidence provided in the Tomarken and Keener (1998) study that depression can actually cause prefrontal cerebral disability which is directly linked to the emotional capability of the adolescent. Hence, they conclude that due to this reason the adolescents can exhibit prolonged continuation of the development of unconstructive sentiments and very limited and negligible continuation of developing constructive sentiments. Hence, numerous studies that have examined the impact of the management of unconstructive emotions concluded that most adults have a long continuation of unenthusiastic responses to stressed situations, both organic and man-made (e.g., Goplerud & Depue, 1985; Gilboa & Gotlib, 1997). Tomarken and Keener (1998) argue that there have been a limited amount of studies that have focused on the extent or timeline of the reactions of both depressed as well as pleased individuals.
There has been a constant history that shows that the depressed adolescents and youngsters have problems when dealing with the negative scale of their emotions. This history tells us that the depressed youth not only have a limited amount of tactics to tackle the tough and stressful situations, they under utilize these tactics and tend to use those that have an unobtrusive affect. Garber and colleagues (Garber, Braafladt, & Weiss, 1995; Garber, Braafladt, & Zeman, 1991) in their studies concluded that the depressed adolescents tended to look for escape tactics and less interactive or exploratory strategies then their non-depressed counterparts characteristically didn�t and constantly believed that whatever they did would fail or not work. Also the extent of the depressive inclination of the adolescent can be calculated by the response i.e. if he has a morbid response then the adolescent is more depressed then the adolescent who has given a somewhat preoccupied response (Schwartz & Koenig, 1996).
The numerous researches that have been conducted on the emotion isolation, negative progression or mismanagement amongst adolescents have linked the phenomenon to depression as its cause; however, these studies haven�t been able to conclusively say whether depression can effectively influence the emotional inclinations as a whole. Most researchers have pretty clearly claimed that the negative emotional progression and depression are inter-linked and inter-dependent, the downside is that they haven�t been able to prove it in application and practical environments (see for example, Breen & Weinberger, 1995; Cooper, Shaver, & Collins, 1998).
Rutter (1991) in his study addresses this by stating that if this theory is presumed to be true and depression is treated as an influenced consequence then in application the whole theory would get confusing when taking in the general behavioral habits of the adolescent. He said that if the affect of emotional isolation was depression then the adolescent should find it more difficult to get him or herself out of that state once in it. He further went on to say that the adolescent would also find it difficult to adjust to hostile incidents and/or associations as well.
The fact of the matter remains that this whole theory and its practical application are still showing contradictions. So the real problematic question still is whether or not the deficiencies of the adolescent as mentioned above will play a part in the overall emotional progression or growth. It is only when this is answered with sound proof that we can clearly understand the cause, initiation, nature and sustenance of depression.
Another theory that has long been utilized is the belief that the parents have a major part to play in the development of skills in the adolescents as well as the growth and use of these skills (Cole & Kaslow, 1988; Garber et al., 1995). McDonough et al. (1994), in their study assert that �nurturing [and we would add socializing] children requires that adults both accept and limit the child's expression of affect [and] minimize their expressions of negative affect toward the child� (p. 67). The parent-adolescent associations and communications are perhaps the only continuing learning environments where the adolescents can learn their own capabilities through constant examples, guidance and possibilities that are presented to them by their parents. All these examples can constantly change, mould, and manage the emotional growth, interactions and manifestation of the adolescent.
All forms of practical researches, like the progressive and scientific researches, have confirmed the belief that the parental or familial input and tactics/methods have a direct influence on the adolescents� emotional growth or abilities and hence depressive inclinations. Gottman and group members (e.g., Gottman, Katz, & Hooven, 1996, 1997) conducted a study on the input that the parents' sentiment values have on the adolescent and concluded that their values were extremely critical. Their study was fundamentally a longitudinal, bio-psychosocial evaluation of three elements: parental attitudes, the extent of the adolescents� emotional adjustment abilities as well as the results of the child�s development. By observing and assessing these three elements they were able to determine how the parents were able or unable to acknowledge, address and help solve the adolescents� formations of negative and unconstructive emotions as well as develop the adolescents� social and interactive abilities with contemporaries, in schools as well as in the physical fitness departments in the long run.
One fact that needs to be highlighted is that most of the researches that have been done on this subject have been restricted to really young adolescents and infants and have mainly tried to pay attention to how their relationships can influence their growth and management skills (e.g., Cole & Kaslow, 1988; Fox, 1994). It has been in the past decade that the same subject matter of the research has been applied for the older youthful children and how the parenting methods and peer pressures influence how they tackle with the hostile and potentially depressive incidents and experiences.
One of the reasons why this is the case is because the generalized belief is that as the children grow older they tend to become more independent and take on the task of assisting and encouraging themselves to do what they feel is right and efficient. In other words, the parents and teachers along with other adults who had a major influence before tend to be needed a lot less by the adolescent as he/she develops a sound intellectual and smooth methods and with the passage of time tends to get more intricate and individualistic (Cole & Kaslow, 1988; Gross & Munoz, 1995).
Despite this belief, the fact still remains that all children irrespective of age, have to get hold of and sustain a methodical and progressive group of capabilities and tactics that will help them tackle and overcome any and every hostile and depressive situation (Forgatch, 1989). For this reason, observations and analyses have to be made on the elements, personal and peripheral, that allow on instigate this to happen. The focus on the peripheral elements that encourage, instigate or hinder this process of growth for the adolescent will help recognize the regular or standard emotional settings and then design whatever intercessions that are needed for the psychopathology that is linked with the abnormalities or deficiencies on this subject matter.
Some of the practical researches also show that both the adolescents and young children do derive their development and growth capabilities from the parental attitudes towards their sentiments. In a study conducted by Eisenberg, Fabes, and Murphy (1996), it was stated that majority of the children in school going age had reduced emotional expression with the increase in disciplinary, unenthusiastic and misery driven reactions of the father as well as the trouble or problem-based and diminishing interactive reactions from the mother. In their research, they also concluded that the mothers who used disciplinary approaches to their parenting were less likely to apply constructive tactics that would encourage growth but they would use evasive tactics instead.
The same living conditions have been observed for the schoolchildren whose mothers are depressed or unhappy. Numerous researches have asserted the fact that most of the depressed mothers tend to react in a harsh, uncooperative and unsympathetic ways towards their child�s unconstructive inclinations and tend to enforce more disciplinary tactics to take control instead of trying to understand the situation of the child (Garber et al., 1991). This basically led to the development of ineffective tactics to deal with difficult or stressful situations and discouraged the self-belief that the strategy they have used will come in handy when compared to the family structure of the mothers who were not depressed.
Another observation made through these studies is that the families, parents and children, who share a history of having trouble in decreasing the unconstructive emotions are characterized by horrible management strategies to diminish their negative influences (Lindahl & Markman, 1990; Lindahl, Clements, & Markman, 1998). One of the most common causes of the increased negative or unconstructive attitude or tactics applied by the adolescents is the application of the pessimistic �conflict-resolution� strategies by the mothers as a disciplinary tool (Lindahl et al., 1998). Another cause of such emotional isolation and performance alteration from the adolescent is the inability of the parents to react unsupportively or their inability to step back and approach a stressful situation or a clash in a neutral and controlled way (Carson & Parke, 1996).
One of the interesting facts is that adolescents who were depressed saw a greater contribution from their fathers to reduce the potential or likelihood of violent activities then their opposites i.e. fathers of non-depressed adolescents (Sheeber, Hops, Andrews, Alpert, & Davis, 1998). Most researchers also showed the same conclusions for the efforts and inputs made by the depressed mothers (Biglan et al., 1985; Dumas & Gibson, 1990; Hops et al., 1987). However, this conclusion, most researchers interpreted as another action that instigated or encourage the depressive inclinations amongst the adolescents. These conclusions are one of the many reasons why many researchers believe that the ambience of the family is important in defining the tactics or strategies used by the adolescent when dealing with a stressful situation which basically reaffirms the prior notions that the parental attitudes and approaches to the emotions of adolescents shapes the pathway of expansion, progress and self-organization of the children in majority of the interactions and incidents.
Most researchers stress on the fact that the association between the parental methods and communications and the adolescents� emotional, physical and mental growth as well as health issues are going to continue beyond the age of adolescence with varying importance and input (Barrera & Garrison-Jones, 1992; McDonough et al., 1994; Sheeber, Hops, Alpert, Davis, & Andrews, 1997). Both the rise in familial clashes (Collins, 1990; Montemayor, 1983) and vulnerability to depressive inclinations (Lewinsohn, Hops, Roberts, Seeley, & Andrews, 1993) are sound reasons to place significant importance on the assessment of the responsibility of familial exchanges in the emotional development of the adolescent.
The impact of information processing on adolescent depression
After most of the initial investigations had been done, the researchers tried to draw attention to the designing and examinations of the intellectual or logical prototypes of depression (e.g., Abramson, Metalsky, & Alloy, 1989; Abramson, Seligman, & Teasdale, 1978; Beck, 1967, 1976; Beck, Rush, Shaw, & Emery, 1979; Bower, 1981; Rehm, 1977; Segal, 1988; Teasdale, 1988). All of these prototypes have incorporated the characteristic, plans or strategies, and complex notions of depression to describe how the phenomenon begins, sustains and reappears in individuals through the observation of the reactions to their surroundings. To back these prototypes, researchers have also highlighted the differences in behaviors and approaches between the depressed individuals and the non-depressed individuals (Hammen & Krantz, 1976; Kuiper & MacDonald, 1983; Roth & Rehm, 1980; Wener & Rehm, 1975).
Most of the prototypes of depression do focus on the way that most information or data is administered or understood by the individual. Based on 10 experiments using non-clinical samples, Craik and Tulving (1975) in their asserted that the whole administration and understanding of the information relies on the complexity of the data provided and its programming i.e. the quality of the information and its intricacy were the main determinants of the individuals� presentation of information recovery or explanation.
Craik and Tulving's theory of the intricacy or vastness of the information available is closely associated with the spreading-activation notion of networking (as cited in Collins & Loftus, 1975) as well as associative networking (Bower, 1981, 1992). The spreading-activation networking mainly means that the individuals accumulate and manage all the information, data, incidents and interactions in their personal intellectual or reasoning charts. Collins and Loftus further go on to say that this accumulated knowledge is then transmitted to other related subject matters through the use of specific intersections.
Associative networking mainly states that the unconstructive dispositions of an adolescent can influence or mould the way that the generalized data is interpreted and/or collected; this simply means that if the information is corresponding to the state of mind of the adolescents then it will be more readily and easily accumulated as well as recollected. So this means that the depressed individual will be more prone to drawing in the unconstructive and negative facts as they correspond and suit the mood that they are in and hence negatively influence the nature of their networks, self-evaluations, potentials, etc (Hammen & Krantz, 1976; Kuiper & MacDonald, 1983; Roth & Rehm, 1980; Wener & Rehm, 1975).
The aforementioned theory of the unconstructive intellectual or understanding networking is closely related to the notion that Beck in his study had presented as the �negative schema�. According to Beck, this was a reasoning structure that allowed the adolescent to get a consistent sense of susceptibility to the initiation and sustenance of depressive inclinations. Beck (1967) in his study suggested that the schema was fundamentally serving as the arbitrator of all the knowledge that is given to the individual while also managing the level of concentration given to every information cluster, the understanding of the information sets as well as their influences around the surroundings of the individual. Similarly, Ingram (1984) in his study highlights that the placement and negative understanding of the information stored hamper the progression of intellectual reasoning and hence it disallows the adolescent to efficiently interpret and utilize the information that is not stressful or depressive.
Other research studies also have presented a strong link between information processing and depression. A perfect illustration for this can be the Self-Referent Encoding Task (SRET; Craik & Tulving, 1975), which presented information with respect to the satisfaction of depressed adolescent�s self-schemata along with their information processing method. The task involved giving students a list of adjectives to underline those adjectives which described their personality and after the list is taken from them they were asked to recall all the adjectives, both underlined and non-underlined (Craik & Tulving, 1975). The results of this research study were in conformity with other research studies, which had adopted the same pattern.
These other research studies found that non-depressed subjects were able to remember those adjectives/words which were more positive, while depressed subjects recalled words/adjectives which were more negatives. This indicated a destructive content of depressed adolescents� self-schemata (Derry & Kuiper, 1981; Kuiper & Derry, 1982; Kuiper & MacDonald, 1983; MacDonald & Kuiper, 1984). These research studies also showed another dangerous sign that depressed adolescents� discounted/overlooked positive information and recalled/stored only negative information.
In line with these results, another researcher McDowall (1984) found that depressed adolescents discriminatingly handle negative adjectives, which stops the information processing of positive words. In another study adolescents were asked to remember support and punishment given to them. Researchers found that depressed adolescents underrated the frequency of support and overrated the frequency of punishment. The opposite was true for non-depressed adolescents (Gotlib, 1981; Nelson & Craighead, 1977).
Hammen Zupan (1984) and Zupan, Hammen, and Jaenicke (1987) conducted research studies with the aforementioned methodology and found similar results. They found that depressed adolescents were able to recall more negative words than positive (Hammen & Zupan, 1984; Zupan, Hammen, & Jaenicke, 1987). In another study, amongst a section of adolescent inpatient in a psychiatric hospital, Joiner, Katz, and Lew (1997) found that adolescents suffering from depression were inclined to remember more negative words than positive words. They attributed this phenomenon to adolescent�s cognition instead of their emotion.
In another study, Joiner (2000) found that depressed adolescents generally attributed negative components to both personal and global events. This phenomenon, they say, is directly linked to the negative events these depressed adolescents encountered in their lives. They concluded that adolescents suffering with higher depressive levels are more inclined to interpret circumstances negatively as they have gone through certain negative life events without getting any proper help from the significant people in their lives.
Parents, particularly mothers, too have a significant influence in information processing of adolescents. Researchers, Taylor & Ingram (1999) found that adolescents with depressed mothers tended to show higher depressive symptoms and held negative self-esteem and processed information more negatively than adolescents with mothers not suffering from depression. In another study, Jaenicke et al. (1987) found that adolescents who had mothers with mental disorders, particularly depression, were more likely to suffer from negative information processing, negative self-schemata and negative self-esteem leading to depression. They also presented more negative personality traits than children with mothers who were not suffering from mental disorders.
Similarly, Garber & Robinson (1997) found that adolescents whose mothers suffered from non-bipolar mental disorders were more likely to suffer from higher levels of depression than adolescents whose mothers did not suffer from non-bipolar mental disorders. They also pointed out that negative information processing amongst adolescents was a major cause of depression and that these children are at major risk of developing this mental disorder at a chronic level (Garber & Robinson, 1997).
A number of researchers have found that negative information processing leads to higher levels of anxiety, which in turn leads to higher levels of depression. These researchers point out that both anxiety and depression are correlated and are found in adolescents whose information processing skills are not standardized (Brady & Kendall, 1992; Joiner, Catanzaro, & Laurent, 1996; Jolly & Dykman, 1994; King, Ollendick, & Gullone, 1991). Other researchers point out that when depression and anxiety is developed at infancy, adolescents continue to suffer from this ailment even after they grow up (Clark, Beck, & Stewart, 1990; Foa & Foa, 1982).
In spite of decades of research on adolescent depression and its connection to information processing; arguments and disagreements with respect to depressive symptoms and causes continue even today amongst researchers. Some researchers argue that depression is caused by negative information processing; while others argue that negative information processing, though, a vital cause of depression is not the sole cause. They argue that there are other indicators as well, most notably, anxiety (Mineka, Watson, & Clark, 1998; Nathan & Langenbucher, 1999).
In conclusion, one can safely assert that depression may develop at an early age and adolescents who undergo depression tend to suffer from this disease for a long time. Researchers need to further advance their comprehension of this disorder so that a more profound theoretical framework can be established, which will help in establishing more concrete and successful intervention strategies
The impact of body image on adolescent depression
Researchers have expressed body image as a part of the overall personality development of the adolescents. These researchers believe that any discrepancy in the body image of adolescents is directly related to personality differences of the adolescents developed out of certain life experiences. Researchers have correlated body image with self esteem and theorized that negative body image leads to lower self esteem, which in turn leads to higher depression levels. Peto (1972) found that variation in body image impacts both self esteem and depression of adolescents. The difference between Peto�s (1972) study and others is that Peto took into consideration the maturity of body image and its connection to depression; whilst other researchers focused on evaluative aspect of body image, concerning body dissatisfaction and/or satisfaction leading to depression. Researchers studying the subsequent factor found that higher levels of body dissatisfaction led to higher levels of depression, as well as higher levels of low self �esteem (Abrams, Allen, & Gray, 1993; Denniston, Roth, & Gilroy, 1992; Goldberg & Folkins, 1974; Marsella, Shizura, Brennan, & Kameoka, 1981; McCauley, Mintz, & Glenn, 1988; Noles, Cash, & Winstead, 1985; Silberstein, Striegel-Moore, Timko, & Rodin, 1988; Teri, 1982; Tiggemann, 1994).
Another aspect of the relationship between body image and depression is that it starts at an early age for adolescents, particularly for girls. For instance, Stroufe and Rutter (1984) found that girls were more likely to suffer from negative body image leading to depression at quite an early age when compared to their male counterparts (Stroufe & Rutter, 1984). Furthermore, in another study Lerner (1987) found that puberty not only drastically changes the body shape of adolescents, it also changes the self-perception of adolescents and adolescents suffering from negative body image are more likely to suffer from higher levels of depression (Lerner, 1987). In another study, researchers found that cultural ideals of being then drastically changed for girls when they research puberty. Both Frisch, (1980) and Young, Sipin, and Roe (1980) found that a major factor in the relationship between depression and negative body image is the increase in fat for girls who reach puberty (Frisch, 1980; Young, Sipin, & Roe, 1980).
Koff & Rierdan (1991) found that higher levels of depression and negative body image were found amongst adolescents who have recently reached puberty (Koff & Rierdan, 1991). Other researchers found that the main cause of negative body image and depression was the disfigured body parts with some possessing more fat than others (Kirkley & Burge, 1989; Tobin-Richards, Boxer, & Petersen, 1983). Other research studies too have shown a positive relationship between negative body image and higher levels of depression (Allgood-Merton, Lewinsohn, & Hops, 1990; Alsaker, 1992; Faust, 1987; Hops, Lewinsohn, Andrews & Roberts, 1990; Richards, Casper, & Larson, 1990; Rierdan, Koff, & Stubbs, 1987).
Conclusion
Both self-esteem and depression have been thoroughly studied and its connections with substance abuse amongst teenagers have been widely reported. The aim of this paper was to highlight the major causes of self esteem and depression in order to assist interventionists in formulating a more profound theory and strategy to tackle this growing social dilemma. Substantial progress has been made over the years to understand these phenomenons both separately and jointly. Wide-ranging scientific questions have been investigated, together with clinical phases, etiology, therapy, and effect. In addition to far-reaching clinical studies, only a few studies have been carried out at the community and society level (Kashani and Schmid, 1992). Studies that have been conducted at the community level have shown that depression and self esteem are strong indicators of substance abuse (Paton and Kandel, 1978; Siegel and Ehrlich, 1989; Rosenberg, 1985). This research study will now carry out a community level study to assess the impact of self esteem on drug abuse amongst adolescents.
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