To what extent was slavery the cause of the American Civil War?

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To what extent was slavery the cause of the American Civil War?

Slavery or issues related to slavery and its extension caused sectional conflict for decades preceding the Civil War, with the effect of galvanising the north against the south. Although there was a long history of sectional antagonism; compromise had been reached repeatedly from the Missouri Compromise, to the Nullification Controversy, and finally to the Compromise of 1850. Such compromise became harder to obtain during the 1850s, and in the end the sectional disputes of old were settled on the battlefield instead of being kept within political channels. Thus we must question, when searching for the cause of the civil war, what made these political channels ineffectual where previously they had sufficed. In order to do this we will evaluate the extent to which slavery caused the break up of the 'second party system'1 primarily as this turning point represents the first real break of the political process. We will also examine the causal role slavery played in the secession controversy as well as in the motivation for Lincoln's declaration of war. Without the use of such turning points in our evaluation, we would lose any dynamic view of the sequence of events precipitating the Civil War. Furthermore, slavery will be compared with dialectic materialism, political agitation and states rights in its importance in causing the Civil War. By assessing these different viewpoints through looking at the part they played in the break up of political parties, the secession controversy and the call to war, we should begin to have a good idea of the extent to which slavery was the cause of the Civil War.

We will first examine slavery as a cause for Civil War. Slavery has been blamed for causing the Civil War by a large number of historians from James' Forde Rhodes to Allan Nevins2. To evaluate their standpoint we must start by examining the extent to which slavery brought an end to the 'Second Party system' and brought about sectional parties. Sectional schisms were already appearing at the time of the Missouri compromise in 1820 however it was only in 1848 that a separate liberty party really ruptured the old two party system. The liberty party attracted conscience Whigs and barnburner democrats to a conclave backing van Buren's candidacy for the presidential election.3 These splits were exacerbated when the vote on the 1850 compromise over slavery extension resulted in 'divisions mainly...along sectional rather than party lines'4. However, although slavery had an indubitable effect in causing political antagonism it does not quite explain why the ruptures happened when they did. One historian, Michael Holt explains the break as a product of 'the growing congruence between the old parties on almost all issues by the early1850's'5, 'there were [simply] no issues'6. Parties found it far harder to mobilise support, when there were few issues with which to differentiate between them. Consequentially, many lost faith in the political establishment as a place that offered true choice. What further exacerbated the old party lines, especially in the north was the 'anti liquor, anti catholic, and anti immigrant sentiment'7, which weakened the Whig party nearly completely out of existence. Thus consensual politics can be deemed as the cause of the break up of parties. Slavery had little to do with the break in the political system, although when the next controversy over slavery extension erupted in 1854, it provided a basis for new sectional parties.

It is necessary to examine the extent to which slavery caused the seven southern states to secede in 1861 following the election of Abraham Lincoln. 'The normal answer to these questions is that southerners regarded the Republicans as a threat to black slavery and seceded to protect it'8. Slavery had the potential for causing secession as it generated mass support amongst non-slaveholders who saw it as a means of social control9 as well as a necessary instrument for the defence of white supremacy10. Those who would not toe the line were subject to proscription and coercion11. Thus any threat to the institution would not be met with flexibility regardless of the fact that the Republicans neither had an effective majority in Congress to pass abolitionist policies, nor had pledged abolitionism in their platform. Slavery seemed in jeopardy to the whole south on a number of levels, concerning not solely the slaveholders. The primary threat apart from fears of aboilition was that 'a republican administration could shatter the unity of the southern defence of slavery by building up an antislavery Republican party within the south on the basis of federal patronage'12. Secondly there were fears, especially in the north that the election victory portended 'repeal of the fugitive slave laws'13. This portended dissolution of the already waning 'peculiar institution' in the upper south where slaves could easily run across the border. Thirdly the republican denial of slavery extension heralded the institution's decline from the south's point of view. However, if the fear for slavery's existence caused the states to secede, why only the lower south? Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, Missouri and Arkansas all had slavery and yet didn't secede. Some may explain this discrepancy due to the higher proportion of slaves in the lower south leading to the conclusion that the inhabitants were more responsive to calls from 'fire eaters'14 than upper southerners who were accustomed to the declining proportions of slaves. The problem with such explanations is that in such states as Missouri which did not secede, proponents of slavery had been as popular and vociferous if not more than the deeper southern counterparts especially throughout the Kansas Nebraska controversy. Moreover 'it is not clear that those who refused to secede were any less committed to slavery than those who did secede'15. In short secessionist sentiment was not proportional to slavery support. Quite simply there must have been other factors that can explain the why the lower south seceded and the upper south did not. Slavery however remains a prominent factor of secession. The fact that secession was such a major turning point illustrates the relative importance of slavery as a cause for war.

Evaluating the extent to which slavery caused Lincoln's call to war it seems hard to believe that slavery abolition was Lincoln's direct motive. Such a rationale opposed his whole platform as well as all his later claims that he had gone to war not to free the Negro but to save the union. Still the numerous failed opportunities of compromise over the issue of slavery extension in Congress following the south's call to secede on November 6, 1860 give the impression that war was over slavery. The problem with this interpretation is that although 'all the efforts at compromise in Congress dealt with the issue of slavery and only obliquely with the problem of secession...the secession crisis...was a crisis over secession and not in any direct way, over slavery'16. When the most important measure for compromise, the Crittenden Omnibus was voted in the Senate it lost 25-23 with those senators from the 7 states that had seceded or were about to secede, not voting17. The fact that the senators from the lower south weren't even present illustrates that compromise was no longer important to those that seceded. Even if compromise were reached in Congress, it would have meant nothing for the lower south that was now outside the political system. Thus the call to war was essentially in order to stop secession not to attack slavery.
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Examining possible economic causes of the Civil War compared with slavery, we will judge their relative importance. Historians such as the Beards and Genovese claim that the differing economies of the North and the South had produced antithetical interests, which were the essence of sectional conflict and eventual war18. It will be necessary to test the thesis; that dialectic materialism was the cause of conflict, by firstly seeing the extent to which it played a causal role in the break up of the second party system. Some historians weakly contest that economic issues galvanised sectional tension however this ...

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